Evangeline Anovilis

While ambassador Shiramine was quite sceptical of its chances of success, he still fulfilled his duty and forwarded a communique from Tokyo to the Imperial government of Tianxia.

Date Seiranko had often been seen as the centre of the notional conservative political scene in Japan. While she had never been prime minister, she had been party president, deputy prime minister and the fleet minister for most of that post's existence. Her influence was one of seniority, having been one of the initial members of the Home Rule Association, and of her own making, as she successfully monpolised her ministery. This had even forced the prime ministers to leave naval matters to her, even after the more moderate factions came into power. Or at least, it seemed that way. Date wasn't so sure about this herself. While it certainly held true for Prime Minister Tachibana, who retained her despite belonging to the party-internal opposition, Tachibana's formal successor Akiyama was different. Akiyama, who initially seemed very much a successor of moderate liberal conservative Tachibana had turned into something else. While Akiyama never stated what it was, Date knew, her vision of Japan was different. Whether it was better or worse, Date could not tell, nor could she even tell whether her policies were good or bad. She had to give props to the Prime Minister, she did understand how to obscure matters and to walk fine lines... at least internally. Even her public image as Prime Minister was one that existed between extremes and while noone would call her a very likable or honest person, people did respect her and saw her as a capable politician fit for her role. She was a pragmatist, statist, realist and elitist, but she got things done. And that most likely explained Date's appointment as Minister of the Navy more than Date's influence did. Because for all the talk about Date's power behind the scenes, Akiyama had been the one to offer her the position, to support the naval agenda and to integrate the fleet in her very own informal complex of power that supported her politics. And Akiyama had done a lot to indirectly cut away the ties of Date that were of no use to her, as if clipping the wings of a caught bird, to make sure it'd stay around, never fly away and never become independent again. To Akiyama, Date, just like so many others, was like a figure in her game of politics, an asset, not much of a person. She understood to make people do what she wanted, she hardly understood how to deal with people themselves. But this was her skill, and as much as Date might have disliked Akiyama's attitude, the Prime Minister had firmly integrated her into her political faction, something she could not cunter-act. Which she did not even want to counter-act. Akiyama after all did not recruit Date merely to exterminate opposition, it was more that Akiyama had seen merit in getting Date onboard in exchange for giving Date's ministry the funds for a modern fleet. Date loved her fleet, Akiyama loved maybe not the fleet itself, but definitely the benefits it could bring and was thus willing to allow the incredible expenditures that came with building a proper naval force. In the end, it was an mutually benefitial relationship, just not an equal one. And it seemed typical for most of Akiyama's interpersonal relations. If Date had to guess, the sole exception was maybe Tsukino, though it could be that that one was merely the Prime Minister's favourite toy. These were the matters Date kept in mind, as the Minister of the Navy entered the grounds of the Kantei, following an invitation of the Prime Minister for tea and some conversation. That Akiyama was not going to just go on about private matters or trending topics was not just unlikely due to her discreet nature, seeming lack of a love life and the occassional remark and appearance that showed how far out of place and time the Prime Minister's way of thinking was, but Date had already heard of one of her political allies that something was off. Had Akiyama merely invited Date, it most likely would be some talk about the fleet. But under the guise of afternoon tea among and socialising like a bunch of ojou-samas, the Prime Minister had invited also former minister Akechi. And if Date owed her position to the fact that she had qualities that made her useful, even if Akiyama distrusted her personally, she knew Date hated Akechi's guts and held her in a rather low regard. What kept Akechi afloat were her connections in the Chūbu region, from where she hailed, contrary to most of the Northern clique, which, as the name implies came fromTōhoku. This had forced even the mighty Akiyama to accommodate Akechi, although it was one of the upper circle's worst kept secrets that Akiyama considered appointing Akechi as ambassador also a way of getting her away from Tokyo. Pretty much pensioning her off gracefully on a pretty post. Akechi being invited for tea too was quite surprising thus, knowing the terrible relationship between the two of them. But it sealed it for Date to conclude that this was about politics, nothing else. Because regardless of how unlikely it was that Akiyama considered Akechi useful for any of her schemes, it was even less likely that she considered making up with what she considered a "hot-headed imbecile". And Akechi never made up with Akiyama. Reconciliation would thus fail at Akiyama's awful social skills and Akechi's equally terrible temper. Both were capable of nice pretenses in public, but in private, they could be nigh-unbearable. For a moment, Date considered whether she really wanted to have tea with the two of them. But Akiyama was her superior and Akechi her ally. Not for their great character (or lack thereof), but because it was politically favourable. And political pragmatism ultimately also prevailed in making Date attent the meeting. As Date arrived, Akiyama and Akechi were already seated, though quite silent. Akiyama smiled, but they seemed to have very little to say to each other in private. Or maybe all they had to say had already been stated. While greeting two, Date was slightly surprised that Akiyama had shown some consideration for whom she had invited. Instead of the usual darjeeling, macha was served and instead of her usual western attire, the Prime Minister wore one of her crimson furisode. Not the one she had worn during hanami, as far as Date could tell, and instead of the hydrangea, this one featured azaleas. Akiyama really did not hesitate to demonstrate her wealth. For a moment, Date wondered whether this would lead to a full tea ceremony, but while Akiyama seemed definitely the kind of affluent upper-class person to have been taught how to do it, she was not going that far just for Akechi and Date. Nevertheless, the Prime Minister's furisode, combined with Akechi who wore traditional wafuku on an everyday basis, made Date stand out in her formal western-style dress suit. After she seated herself next to the other two at the table (seiza was most likely one of the reasons Akiyama could not be bothered to do a tea ceremony), the Prime Minister poured her a cup of tea. "I'm glad both of you had the time to come visit me for tea.", Akiyama started with a friendly smile. "It's been so busy lately, one hardly catches ones breath. I already was afraid that some problems might get inbetween and keep some of us occupied." She then gestured at a bowl filled with colourful sugar candy. "Some konpeito?" Silently Date looked at Akiyama, then Akechi. The Prime Minister was a master in faking a smile and she wondered a bit whether this was all just some setup, or whether Akiyama had lost it... or what else had happened. But Akechi answered her questioning gaze merely with a silent expression that could not be described as puzzled, but conveyed unmistakenably that whatever had happened, she knew nothing. So it was Akiyama's doing. "Well, these are indeed quite harsh times, with no minor problems. But I considered you'd not call me away from my work for some minor issue.", Date responded trying to keep it polite enough to not cause issues. However Akiyama merely nodded. "Sometimes, it is best to let the troubles be, settle for a cup of tea and wait till the time is ready for a solution." Akechi was silent, pretty much looking over at Date for answers, given she felt out of the loop as the one person not in the cabinet. But now it was Date who had no idea. "I think most of our problems are ones that do not require fixing as soon as possible.", Date responded after about a minute in silence, trying to figure out a befitting reply. "It did not seem to me like you'd be one to sit idly by when so many issues unfold, Prime Minister Akiyama." Akiyama sighed, then put down her cup before her and put her hands neatly on her lap. "Well, as frustrating as it may be, some problems cannot be resolved in the present and we can only wait and hope for a solution over time." Silence set in again, but now it was Akechi who broke it. "Did something happen?" She finally grew annoyed and inpatient. Who knew how long she had been sitting there at Akiyama even before Date arrived, most likely saying little, but staring a lot. Date couldn't fault her much, for her usual attitude, she held back remarkably well. Akiyama's smile disappeared slowly, but instead of the expected anger and harsh remark directed at Akechi who dared speak up, it was worry and a certain insecurity that showed on her face. "The Russian Pacific Fleet is getting modernised most likely." For a moment, Date had feared it was something more detrimental and so the words came almost as a relief. "Well, their fleet is no joke, but I doubt it'd outperform ours even if they get a few new ones. We can live with that... or, if you are worried too much, we could add a couple ships to the budget." While Date suggested such jokingly, however, Akechi was more concerned and caught on, despite her terrible reputation. "That's not all there is, right? This is linked to the conscription debate, no?" As she said that, Date gulped down her cheery attitude that now seemed misplaced. Akechi was right. At the time, the suggestion seemed like some momentary lapse of judgement to her, and Date had not been in attendance of the session, due to the Watanuki exercises in the South. But if one put it into context. This had to be about the Russians. But then, why would Akiyama go this far? A few more destroyers most likely would've done it and cost less, financially, as well as politically. "Akasaka-Panina informed me yesterday that the conference with the Russians produced little of value, but the delegation of Tianxia brought up a suggestion for Russia to modernise its fleet.", Akiyama explained calmly. But the news did not fail to take her guests aback. "She did try to prevent it, right?", Date quickly asked. "I doubt the Imperial government would just ignore our stake in this, if she protested." Akiyama however shook her head. "Her protest earned nothing but criticism and seems to have been dismissed by both the Imperial delegates and the Russians." While Akiyama had stayed calm before, showing her usual unshakable nature (or at least the image she tried to cultivate), it became clear that she was putting quite some effort in this facade that quickly began to crumble. "Ambassador Shiramine in Nanjing has also advised to not forward any additional protest, or at least to consider the wording, after he got lectured by their minister for a few hours over our politics." Akiyama's words shook the two quite a bit. The implications of these events were problematic... to a point, they were shockingly threatening. "What did they say to our diplomats?", Date asked. Maybe it was just a problem with the translation. Maybe cultural differences. Russians were a brutish pack anyways. But the Prime Minister shook her head, steeled her spirit and spoke her opinion. "The situation is confusing, yet clear. I have looked over the reports of both Shiramine and Akasaka-Panina to make sure for myself. But there's little doubt. Shiramine-san was told quite bluntly, that the Imperial government expects us to not act against Russia and to show more restraint. Their choice of words is one that was hardly the one used between cordial partners, but more akin to what they use for their adversaries. Shiramine-san states he felt at first even overwhelmed at the hostility and distrust brought forth by the Chinese. But up to now, he and I took it as a slightly aggressive drawing of lines and more of a concern over our recent success." "Up to now..." Akechi repeated the ominous words. She had seen the report herself, enjoying certain access to such documents due to her position in the diplomatic corps. But even more than Akiyama, Akechi had deemed the tone merely a coincidence, maybe due to her experiences kow-towing before Yuan Jia during the troubles with the American Commonwealth. "Up to now..." Akiyama continued. "Akasaka-Panina-san's report is devastating. The Chinese did not just try to sell equipment. In response to our protests, we were merely dismissed, them stating that Russia was merely reasserting its rightful place." Date stayed silent. She was at a loss of words. Akiyama was holding together barely through all her willpower, most likely despairing inside. Akechi sighed. "So, that was it..? I doubt Nakamichi-san can smile us out of this. And conscription... even if it gets through... will it be enough?" Akechi wondered. But her words gave Akiyama some resolve necessary to reply. "It most likely won't suffice. If Russia and Tianxia cooperate against us, Japan doesn't stand a chance. But we can at least hope that it'll make them reconsider or that it at the very least... impose an extreme cost for a military invasion. Honestly, at this point... as said, things aren't clear, yet there's no doubt. The intentions of the Emperor and his government are a mystery and I know not whether they are trying to force us into submission or what purpose their actions serve. What is however painfully obvious is that they are aimed at us and that Tianxia is no longer favourably disposed towards us. Yuan Shizi took not just the Commonwealth with him, but seemingly also Sino-Japanese cooperation. I don't have any idea what the current Emperor is up to, but a reestablishment of a Union is not an option, so we're stuck with that." Akechi nodded in agreement, while Akiyama calmed down and Date caught up. Now, the three sat there in silence. Half an hour ago, they had been rivals, but cooperative for their own benefit. Now they were still rivals. But cooperation was now necessary for the national security. It needed not to be stated, but it was clear, if Japan had to deal with the prospect of an unsecure Northern flank and an unsecured Southern flank, there was no room for petty disputes and fifth columns. Even Akechi understood that as she asked calmly. "So, what do you plan?" Akiyama, now again calm, took a short moment, before responding. "Well, first of all, I guess we need to collectively acknowledge the fact, our cooperation with Tianxia is pretty much dead. Any post-Union settlement is hardly going to be possible, as long as Tianxia is hostile towards Japan. Second... this sadly means, our foreign policy just went bancrupt. We need to review our policies and adjust for a harsh future... possibly war, if this was just the start of worse to come. Nakamichi is despairing and I ordered him to take a leave for a week. I bet it won't get better, but he'll maybe calm down. Because at the end... we can't do much. I need you, Date, to have the Navy revise war plans. Any future conflict with one of the two will be a future with both of them. We better acknowledge that in our planning, as that will mean that any rear needs to be guarded as well. Also, I have the Army work out a plan for conscription to get to the army increased to a million soldiers. It will be far from enough to withstand any attack, but maybe it will raise the cost of invasion and give us something to fall back on. There's the matter of nuclear conflict... but we can't help that. As it stands, we are at a loss and we can merely hope for the best, while preparing for the worst. There have been some cooperative signals, but they are minor and can be pretty much ignored. We might get a non-aggression treaty with Russia, but I think that wouldn't be worth the paper it was written on. And Tianxia at least didn't insist on that one. As for how to approach Russia in general now... Tianxia insists we should pay proper respect, so I guess we can adhere to formalities. But we better not expect too much from them. If there are any issues regarding Russia, report them to me, so I can try raise them with the Imperial government. Their reaction counts. Though even there... it's better to be careful. We cannot take this lightly. I want to believe it isn't the case, but it is very well possible, that we might get attacked." Date nodded. But Akechi waited for a short moment, before raising one question. "What do you require my person for?" "First, we need all the support we can get, if we want the best chance of getting through this. Second, I am putting you into the political reserve for now. Nakamichi looked pretty bad. If he resigns, I need a replacement. Also, there's always the possibility for special diplomatic missions. I need someone who understands the situation." "I doubt you found noone more capable." Akechi noted, knowing fully well, how others saw her. But Akiyama merely shook her head and responded with the first smile since the start of the conversation. "I won't find someone whom I can trust to do their job with more conviction. I would hope you are willing to serve your country and follow my policies without fail." Akechi frowned. The sound of this was not to her liking. But Akiyama quickly soothed her upcoming anger. "We will need to work together without any disputes. I'm not going to depend n your loyalty to me, but on your loyalty towards your nation which has been humbled and your Prime Minister, whom's job it is to get us out of harm's way. So you either agree to it and help me, or I'll have to find someone else." Akechi still frowned. "I'm not going to just appease the Russians." Akiyama smiled for a moment. "Well, they may be undeserving of respect by themselves, but what are we going to do about it? At least, we won't forget and one day... maybe we will have better times, where we can actually live in peace and get acknowledged too. You know how it goes, given you did work hard back in your days." Akechi sighed and merely took her cup of tea. "Then we shall wait. And meanwhile enjoy our cup of tea." It was already cold, but given the situation, this seemed least of all worries.

Parade of the Nihongun Discussion over introduction of conscription causes tensions within the Diet Debate in the National Diet got heated yesterday, when the National Conservative Party seemingly shifted their position on conscription. While the proponents of conscription were up to now limited to the nationalist right, it seems that it now is considered even by more moderate conservatives, as the Minister of Defense Kato Akira suggested reintroduction, finding no minor approval by his party colleagues. The notion of conscription has been called outrageous by most opposition parties and several intelectuals. The idea of conscription, while not new, has always been a controversial one, colliding with Japanese popular pacifism. Already the regular military had seen several vocal critics and a reintroduction of mandatory military service will no doubt be quite unpopular. Still, Prime Minister Akiyama backs the suggestion of Minister Kato, stating that while maybe unpopular and harsh, it may be the best course of action with a lack of alternatives. "We are living in a volatile time with many potential threats to our nation. The military will require further expansion to allow for adequate security of our nation. But it is unlikely that these needs for incresed manpower will be able to be met by a volunteer force. The Japanese government is listening to its people, but we also are determined to our national security, which may very well demand that every Japanese citizen do their duty towards the Empire." Overall, it seems that the government is not yet completely decided on the issue. The cabinet and party representatives stay secretive, both about how to implement such a conscription, but also why.

The Blue House (Cheongwadae) and the fountain displaying the Asian phoenix (Bonghwang). Following a short exchange of communiques, Minister of Foreign Affairs Nakamichi made his way from Tokyo to Seoul, in order to meet with the Korean President. Prime Minister Akiyama personally had counciled with him the day before about the agenda to be discussed. After all, the matter was a bit complicated, the relations with Korea seen as quite important and Akiyama had her own ideas on the matter that she wanted to see adressed. And she wanted them adressed her way. While in some matters, Akiyama conceded a bit more freedom to Nakamichi, as was usual for previous prime ministers, Akiyama preferred to have more of a say in certain relationships, to the point that Nakamichi became just a decoration for the office. He was not too happy about it, but it couldn't really be helped. The Prime Minister was a person that commanded only moderate affection, but immense power over the party and the administration, being maybe not great at getting along with others or feeling empathy, but knowing quite well whom to approach how to get her will done. And so, the Minister of Foreign Affairs sighed, put on his best smile and went to discuss matters with the President of a seemingly stabilising and strengthening Korea.

Kashiwazaki-Kariwa Nuclear Power Plant, the largest in all of Japan Japan to go even more nuclear? While an ongoing crisis over nuclear weaponry is developing elsewhere on the globe, Minister Amahara has unveiled plans for more peaceful nuclear developments at home. According to plans by the Ministry of Economics, Trade and Industry in cooperation with the nuclear industry, the nation is to increase the share of nuclear power in the total energy mix to about 30%, up from the current 15%. This move, the Minister exclaims, is aimed at reducing the national dependency on fossil fuels and the CO² output of Japan. To meet this objective, METI is planning on the modernisation of the nuclear infrastructure for greater efficiency, output and safety. "I understand that people do not like living near a nuclear power plant. But we need to look at the facts. If we look at the statistics, nuclear power has far less pollution and is far healthier than exhaust-producing oil, gas or coal-powered plants, it is better for our beautiful environment and is not dependent on a volatile oil price. And we are taking into account the concerns of the people about safety, establishing new standards in that regard by deploying much safer and more powerful reactors in existing plants to replace aging ones.", Minister Amahara is quoted. It is planned that existing Generation II boiling water reactors (BWRs) reactors be decommissioned and replaced by more modern designs such as the advanced Generation III Economic Simplified Boiling Water Reactor (ESBWR) or the Advanced Boiling Water Reactor-II (ABWR-II). This is aimed to bridge the time for the development of Generation IV reactors and the construction of a Japanese fusion reactor. It is scheduled that within the next three years, all reactors in Japan older than Generation III be brought to todays standard, before within the decade new reactors be deployed to replace older Generation III reactors. Most promising candidates for the next generation nuclear reactors seem to be Mitsubishi FBR and Hitachi-GE, which are focusing especially on sodium-cooled fast reactors, although designs based on the ABWR seem to also be promising. In addition, the Japanese Atomic Energy Agency's (JAEA) Naka Fusion Research Institute has begun the start of the construction of Japan's first economic fusion reactor, the Japan National Fusion Reactor. Derrived from the JT-60SA, it will be Japan's first fusion reactor to generate energy at an economic level to be used by the Japanese people. The tokamak-design reactor is to be constructed at Shirosato, Ibaraki and will form the core of the Shirosato Fusion Plant. A spokesperson from the Naka Fusion Research Institute stated that the operation of the JNFR will allow for refinement of the design for future fusion reactors producing commercial energy for Japan. The reactor built time is scheduled at three years and the initial energy output will be around 500 MWe, a number that is to be increased as further fusion reactors may be added. According to Minister Amahara, the these plans will demonstrate "the prowess of Japanese research and technology in the areas of nuclear fission and fusion, while making energy cheap, clean and sustainable for future generations. Japan may not have a lot of ressources, but through education, effort and ingenuity, our nation prospers."

Well, can you tell me what islands they are though?

[spoiler] [/spoiler] Alright, it's nothing big, but it raises question marks for me, so I thought I'd go and ask for clarification. This is a map of the Pacific islands in the West Pacific mostly and as we can clearly see, there is the Japanese Ogasawara chain, Tianxia owns the Marianas, then there is the large Japanese Southern Seas Territory (mostly Micronesia, though pretty attributable), followed by Tianxian island groups again, which also seem attributable. There also is Peleliu, which is outside the Tianxian groupings, but visibly coloured red on its own. But then the questions start. First would be, that I think that speck there is Minami-Tori-shima. I indicated this finding on my map above. What is unclear to me though, is the territorial status of Minami-Tori-shima, given it's too small to be coloured and is in no specific grouping. It's de jure part of Ogasawara, but better be sure. Next, if this really is Minami-Tori-shima, what is the island indicated with ??? ? I have no clue and thus help would be appreciated. Similarly, I have no clue whom it belongs to, but in this case I can't even name the thing. Lastly, there is this island indicated as ??? grouped with the Marianas. While in this case the status seems quite clear, I also can't make out the identity of this island. Does anyone know? Also, yes, this is from an older version of the map where Korea was still white. But the Pacific territories haven't changed since and I was not feeling like saving another map for this.

I hope people are aware that mid-April will be election time for the GM court. Nominations should start on the 15th and it would be nice if people don't forget about it and take it seriously. Thanks for your attention.

While the Korean peninsula was still seen as somewhat "unruly", the government seemed to have stabilised and threats from communists were seen as a more distant issue, causing the Japanese to be relieved for the most part. If there was one thing the national conservative government of Akiyama hated, it was leftist subversives and anarchists. But the Koreans seemed to manage and trade across the strait slowly picked up, becoming not unessential, especially in times of an overall declining trade volume in Asia. Prime Minister Akiyama and her cabinet thus went forward with one special issue of Japanese-Korean relations. Ambassador Takamine Kenji thus forwarded a special communique from the government in Tokyo to the Blue House.

Not Public As announced before, the Japanese Navy, Army and Airforce conducted large-scale exercises around Kyushu and Shikoku. The scenario simulated was an assault by a red force on the coasts of Kyushu. The defending blue force was to ward off the landing force, with only a handful smaller ships at its posession, to simulate either a loss in operational capability or a successful enemy sea denial strategy by whatever means, in both cases shutting out major Japanese naval surface forces. Air forces were similarly limited, for the same reasons. The exercises were designed to simultanously test Japanese capabilities on assaulting difficult coastlines and defending them, both deemed essential to defending the Japanese Inner Territories. Confidential The report of the exercises indicated that as long as the military could rely on an invasion force roughly equal to at most twice the size, the defending force could hold itself. The greatest difficulty was the proper application of firepower without getting in turn annihilated by red force naval and air power. Establishment of proper communication lines and upholding coordination between units was the main challenge on an operational level, while the best approach for defense seemed to be a stiff defense in early stages. The final report concluded that an adversary with capabilities similar to Japan in technical quality, operational doctrine and quantity could be beaten back somewhat reliably, an adversary with great advantage both in capabilities and in doctrine would most likely at most be beaten to a standstill, in which case the recommended approach would be to inflict greatest amount of attrition to enemy forces while taking Kyushu and to seek diplomatic settlement of the conflict thereafter. The Navy has started planning for summer exercises in the Southern Seas Territory. After exercises revolving around Chishima and the Northern Territories and the Watanuki exercises around Kyushu, it is deemed that exercises on a scenario of defending the Southern Seas Territory, which would especially require the holding and recapturing of smaller islands and atolls, would be helpful to provide some experience for the Japanese military, in this ever-volatile world.

Wakkanai Station, currently the northernmost station of the contigious Japanese railway system Japan National Railways plans on new tunnel beneath the Sōya Strait The President of the JNR announced today that following approval by the Diet for funding, Kokutetsu is planning on constructing a new railway tunnel underneath the Sōya Strait, connecting the prefectures of Hokkaidō and Karafuto. Plans for such a tunnel existed already for some time and have been discussed before among measures to develop the North, but have not been pursued - up to now. The cost of the tunnel is prognosed at ¥8.150 trillion and the plan for the tunnel foresees its completion in 10 years. While surveys already were made in the past, the exorbitant cost and the great effort that is needed to construct such a tunnel have caused the government to reconsider the risky investment. Now, however, the project has received approval and funding, following a lengthy debate in the National Diet. According to Minister of Foreign Affairs Nakamichi, the tunnel is not just going to boost the development of Karafuto Prefecture by finally connecting it properly to the national railway network as a full part of Japan, but following talks with the Russian Empire, there is a real chance that a railway link from Northern Sakhalin to the continent may eventually allow a continuous connection from Tokyo to Moscow and Sankt Petersburg via the Transsiberian Railway. Prime Minister Akiyama herself meanwhile stated that "it is still to be seen whether the eventual connection can happen, but if it fails it won't be due to us. Whichever way the situation develops though, the Chiryū Tunnel will be a monument of Japanese engineering and hopefully pave the way for development of Karafuto." The Prime Minister also pointed out that the tunnel should serve as a symbol for the future of the Japanese railway, a means of transportation the government deems to have a greater role in the future.

Although the state of Oregon had declared itself independent some while ago, Prime Minister Akiyama was still unsure whether it would really have much of a future. Nothing was heard or seen from it. It could only be hoped that things were actually proceeding properly. And so, while she was more than busy in Tokyo and was at first a bit disappointed to have to come to Portland, the meeting location at least allowed her to check whether there was any progress. Japan already had to step in to solve the mess of one new nation, it was hoped that process was not to be repeated. For some seconds, Akiyama had played with the idea of using the battleship Akitsushima for the trip across the Pacific. It was after all equipped with a suite and quite a few amenities for such journeys. But then she had to give up on that for the obvious reason that several days on sea were hardly going to be acceptable and a flight would have to make do. Thus, the Japanese Airforce 1 was readied to carry the Prime Minister, together with several security staff to Portland. Of course, the authorities of Oregon would be informed of the fliht beforehand, so that they could arrange everything for the meeting.

As the President arrived, Tsukino gracefully bowed and stepped aside t move into the background and prepare the tea leaves. Akiyama meanwhile stood up and with a friendly smile greeted President Coolidge. "Thanks for your kind words, though I think my reputation is more of a mixed blessing these days. It is good to meet you personally though, Mister President. I hope the journey was not too harsh, given it is a trip all the way across the Pacific. Hopefully I've not been calling you away from anything too important." She then gestured at a number of seats opposite of her. "Please take a seat. May I invite you to join my afternoon tea? Miss Tsukino is already preparing the tea leaves for some Earl Grey."

Ok.

"If we already have to spend the ressources, I fear the Diet rather wants to see them stay within our country." Akasaka-Panina then turned to the Russians once again. "So, is there anything left to discuss?"

Sometimes, Akiyama Kagami just hated her job. Sometimes, it was just gruelling, painful and frustrating. Having to make sure that her nation was secure, not falling behind, that its interests were attented to and maybe at times making some gains, just to have some positive experiences as well... it was quite tiring. And while her post as Prime Minister paid quite decently, it also was still behind the wages of the management of some larger bank or industrial corporation. But then, this was the position Akiyama had, which she felt responsible for and which she deemed, noone else could do adequately. This was were she was needed, to make sure everything went alright and her country had a future. And while the pay was not the greatest, it definitely allowed for affluence and the public attention was quite nice... well, most of the times it was nice. Akiyama pondered on her position in silence, as she waited in her office in the Kantei. Sitting more comfortably in one corner of the room that had been set for a nice afternoon tea, with several comfy seats around a small table, the Prime Minister awaited her guest. Usually, she hated having to deal with business during her afternoon tea break, but this time, it just fitted there best and so Akiyama made an exception. She just prayed that it'd not be too bad. Most likely, she'd take a break later, when the situation had calmed down some. A nice short break from work. After all, even an elected leader should be able to look after themselves from time to time and when it was no emergency, one could trust the administration to actually do what they were paid for. Her mind drifted off a bit, when suddenly Tsukino cut into her field of vision, putting down the steaming hot tea pot before her. "The tea water is ready, Akiyama-dono. When will our guest arrive?" "Huh, eh, what? Ah, any minute now. You could show them the way.", the Prime Minister responded, somewhat surprised, as she was torn away from her dream world. Tsukino merely bowed and left for the front door, to await the American President. As she closed the door, Akiyama sighed. She really should take a break for once. But that would need to wait for now.

Rice paddies in Aizu Diet approves Import Security Act Decades of trade liberalisation come to an end, as the National Diet today passed a proposal by the cabinet called the Import Security Act. While the Japanese nation had been firmly integrated into the East Asian trade network and had not instituted many barriers to free trade post-independence, the recent rice crisis has prompted the Akiyama administration to review this trade policy and a return of agricultural tariffs, import quotas and an outright ban on the importation of unprocessed rice. "Japan has for decades been self-sufficient in rice production and it should be self-sufficient once again. Maybe prices will rise, but I am sure that the guaranteed food quality and the security of the food supply are worth it for our people.", Minister of Agriculture Forestry and Fisheries Soga Keijiro stated. The Liberal Party has protested the decision, calling it a "neomercantilist practice that will harm Japanese consumers", however the Prime Minister herself dismissed such an accusation, stating that "security goes over convenience and there's little point in entrusting food supply to a system that is wrecking itself." While the Import Security Act most visibly affects the food supply of Japan, it also addresses the energy and mineral imports. Here, reserves are to be deepened and supply lines diversified, to increase security. As Japan itself is lacking in ressources, the government saw little point in restricting trade further than necessary beyond agricultural production. The Prime Minister has however stated that the Import Security Act will not stand alone, but pave the way for both a new National Energy Policy and a National Rural Development Policy to be presented within the coming weeks and to be implemented over the coming decades. Public reaction to the announcements have been quite passive among urban populations where the majority seem to take the changes in the face of already risen food prices, while rural areas welcome the renaissance of Japanese national agriculture.

With the dissolution of the Confederate States of America, the North American Coordination Office assumed once again authority over the territory of the short-lived state. Provisory structures and administration would be set up, which hopefully would either be replaced by an independent new state administration or a long-term protectorate one.

Please mark the CSA as part of my protectorate. Thanks.

"Then it may be worth pointing out that Russia also has more than merely the Pacific Fleet, these other fleets being quite capable of securing its vast holdings throughout the world. In the Pacific the Russians have already a fleet that is good enough to ward off all threats there could currently exist."

Akasaka-Panina turned towards the Tsar who seemingly had less of an issue to address the issues, for better or worse. "Difference being, the Japanese Navy has started with a minor fleet it has inherited from its times of being only in Northern Japan and has since worked towards a proper fleet to protect itself for the last decade. A fleet capable of protecting our island nation from the threats that existed. Our fleet only recently approached a semblance of proper parity with some other powers in the Pacific, and the collapse of the American Commonwealth has prompted a policy of staying at a level of parity for the time being. But Russia already has a fleet that can match ours and adding to it is just trying to overturn this balance. We seek trade and non-aggression under the assumption that it will lessen tensions and gradually shift from confrontation to cooperation. But a naval armament program of Russia can hardly be perceived as anything other than a program to overturn any semblance of parity with our own Navy, the sole Navy in the Pacific that it doesn't already vastly outperform, except for the People's Imperial Navy which it has no chance of matching for the near future anyway." "Should Tianxia and Russia go forward with a Naval Modernisation Program of the Russian Pacific Fleet to bring it to Imperial standards, there's little we can do about it, but be advised that there's not a great lot of room for interpretation of such a move that fundamentally only serves to threaten our nation. Regardless of words on paper, such actions are not going to allow for much trust and will only serve to poison whatever relations there may exist in the future."

The Japanese Military / Nihongun (日本軍) The Japanese Military Forces (or Nihongun) are the armed forces of the Japanese Empire and responsible for a vast array of tasks. The Military has been established in Genkai 5 as a successor to the Renpōgun, the military forces of the Dai-Tōhoku Renpō, established in Genkai 1. The mission of the military has up to now been redefined twice (in Genkai 5 and Genkai 13) and currently lists the following as the purpose of the Japanese Military Forces: Safeguarding the political sovereignity and territorial integrity of the nation, as well as protecting its citizens from foreign aggression. Assisting civil authorities in relief operations in the aftermath of natural or man-made disaster. Assisting the Japanese law enforcement in keeping public order and safety at the request of the Prime Minister. Supporting allied nations in defense of their sovereignity, territorial integrity and vital national interests. Securing and defending the vital national interests of the Japanese nation. Engaging in peace-keeping missions to strengthen global stability. The Japanese Military has as nominal commander-in-chief the Prime Minister of Japan, but is usually administered by the responsible ministries and their general staffs. For coordination between the two ministries and their three staffs, there exists the Joint Chief-of-Staff Council (Tōgō Bakuryō Kaigi). Overall control over funding, deployment and the ability to wage war is checked by the National Diet. The administration of the Japanese Army (Nihon Rikugun) and the Japanese Airforce (Nihon Kūgun) is responsibility of the Ministry of Defense (Bōei-shō), which manages the procurement, logistics management, finances and personel managment of these two branches. It also has for military intelligence the Defence Intelligence Headquarters (Jōhōhonbu) and for policing of its forces in the field, the Military Police (Keimutai). The Ministry of the Navy (Kaigun-shō) is responsible for the administration of the Navy and its respective sub-services. It originally was established as a government agency during the time of Dai-Tōhoku, but has been elevated to Ministry level during the establishment of the Japanese Navy. It thus also has its own intelligence service, the Naval Intelligence Bureau (Kaigun Jōhōkyoku), and it's own police force, the Naval Police (Kaigun Keimutai). Despite the organisation in two seperate ministries, there are several services that are centralised to improve cost-efficiency, cooperation and to limit factionalism between land-based and naval forces. These include the Technical Research and Development Institute for advanced weapons research and development, the National Defense Academy for basic officer training of all branches and the National Intelligence Academy, which is the centralised training institute for the Defense Intelligence Headquarters, the Naval Intelligence Bureau and the Central Intelligence Research Agency. Naval Officers however are required to take one additional year of training at Etajima Naval Academy. The Ministry of Defense is located in Ichigaya, Shinjuku, slightly detached from most of the other ministries. The Ministry of the Navy has been reconstructed closer to other government agencies and is located at next to Hibiya Park, Chiyoda.

"Cuddly brown bears don't need to arm and armed up bears are not cuddly. How is global stability threatened that a strengthening of the Russian Pacific Fleet is required?", Akasaka-Panina stated, quite serious in her tone. "I think the current position of the Russian Empire is perfectly fine, being a power second only behind Tianxia. Would Russia seek to 'assume its rightful position', whatever that may be, that's hardly indicative of a cuddly bear, but a wild unruly bear, the kind people rightfully fear and defend against before it does harm to one's life and posessions."

"The question remains - what is that something? There's only so many nations in the Pacific and of all of them, the Russian Pacific Fleet already is one of the most massive ones. The Russian Pacific Fleet posesses all the strength it needs to defend its own posessions, especially given your Empire seems quite willing to back them up should there be any greater issues that actually threaten them. Unless Russia is planning on increasing its hard power in the Pacific for reasons other than self-defense, there is no rationale of investing heavily in the Pacific Fleet. If Tianxia and Russia want to bombard some remote minor nation in the Pacific or even the Indian Ocean, the current capabilities are more than sufficient, any further strengthening is hardly going to reassure the powers other than Tianxia and Russia that there exist no hostile intentions towards them on His Imperial Majesty's part. The status quo seems to us most conductive to allowing for a climate of trust and friendship in the long run, which such militarisation will certainly undermine."