Evangeline Anovilis

Akiyama quietly sat next to the two, drinking her tea and glancing out of the window. It was kind of strange that although the room was quite comfortable, this still was a battleship... the largest in all of Japan. When she thought about the enormous size, the massive impression such a ship with its towering superstructure, it's enormous 510 mm (20 inch) guns and its length of over 300 metres made, she could understand partly why Date seemed so obsessed with them... yet, this ship was hardly invulnerable, it had to be escorted and its usefulness was always hampered by considerations to avoid its loss. Akiyama kind of felt that more than anything, the Akitsushima seemed an expression of national pride, rather than a proper worthwhile military asset, even if the Naval Staff was quite adamant about the usefulness of battleships. As she drifted off into musings over the Japanese fleet, the Prime Minister wondered whether or not to say something, or to just leave... but both seemed not really too wise at the moment. One could just hope the americans would arrange themselves, though Akiyama never had been one to have a high opinion of fellow human beings. Well, if all else failed, Akiyama always had the option to just cut losses and withdraw the nation from North America to leave the country to its own devices. The eyes of the world would be less harsh on Japan and even in the worst case of Americans resenting Japan... if the Americans didn't manage to work together anyway, they were now still far less of a problem than during the times of the Commonwealth. Akiyama sighed. The world sure was a harsh place for a politician like her...

Alright people, please keep conversation like this in the OOC thread, which exists for such occassions. This is the map thread, so if you need any map changes you can ask here, but not a general discussion topic for stuff other than that. I'm not going to say much about one or two posts, but when it reaches half a dozen, I'd like to remind not to clutter it up. Thank you very much for your consideration.

Akiyama watched the conversation without saying much, before casually throwing in "I would like to point out that until american countries found a way to organise themselves, the American protectorate stays under Japanese military administration and any transgression not cleared with us is seen as an act of war against Japan. I'd suggest you work out the details between yourself that you actually can affect at this point, not lecture one another over territories you currently do not posess." She then leaned back, poured herself a cup of green tea and watched on, given Akiyama deemed that she had said enough and it'd be up to the Americans to work out their differences. Japan was merely to create the environment to facilitate this and act as honest broker in case of conflict... or so she at least thought.

"I do hope that this can be worked on for now, I guess. The critical point in this matter however is that North America is aware of what matters, of what it can do and what it cannot do. I think noone here is going to deny that an invasion by any greater outside power would at the current point be disastrous for the continent, given that the Americas are by no means prepared for conflict. That's why Japan is still present and assisting your countries. This cooperation between Japan and the Americas can also continue into the future, if it works out, given that potentially much could be gained for both sides.", Akiyama stated a bit concerned, as she tried to get points across. "Be aware however, that the Japanese Empire has no intention to unnecessarily sacrifice its relations with Tianxia over any botched up diplomacy in the Americas. While there are degrees to which Japan is willing to intervene, even in the highly unlikely case of Tianxian aggression, we do hope that rather a bridge can be constructed between the Americas and East Asia and no pointless antagonism ensues. Tianxia currently occupies the least amount of American territory of all great powers, I think such is a good opportunity to continue at least part of the Commonwealth's foreign policy and keep cordial relations with Tianxia. I do not talk about kow-towing here, but I think statesmen like you understand the need for basic respect and decency and can see the potential that cooperation between the Americas and East Asia brings with it. For the time being, it is our hope that cordial relations can be established, that the Americas can work on organising themselves in peace and find a means to effectively coordinate their continental affairs. Over time, the American community will surely earn the respect of the established nations and will be able to establish a firm and confident position. And as long as the Americas are willing to cooperate, to communicate and coordinate policies, Japan will be quite willing to offer itself as a partner in such an endeavour, offering diplomatic, economic and if necessary military support. North America and the Americas in general are an area of much potential, but this potential must be cultivated and a position must be established, before it can be used in any fashion other than to secure the continued survival of your states. While the American Commonwealth's demise was foreseeable, it nevertheless marks a new low in American influence and a renewed rise must happen through cooperation and integration, not through pointless confrontation."

"Times change, and so do circumstances, Mister Adams.", Akiyama responded. "The current world order is not the one that it was back in the day and the relations being sought are different too. However, that of course does not mean the Americas can merely think they were right back in the day and play the innocent victims that don't need to change themselves. The fundamental truth is, Mister Adams, that North America will not become any stronger when everyone works on their own, but North americans also must learn and adapt from past mistakes, if they want to have a position in future structures. You may curse the American Commonwealth, I do too. But I wouldn't say they merely sold out the Americas. Organisations like the North American Council of the Commonwealth, Faraway and the Hudson Bay Federation were among the most capable blocs this continent produced... which still isn't much, but at least something." The Prime Minister then sighed. "I will be honest with you, the world isn't sugar and rainbows and it is not a place where you can just blindly dream about, or you'll sleepwalk into your demise. The fall of the Commonwealth has most likely destroyed much of the global influence the continent had and I do not deem it likely that North America will not be on the receiving end yet again in the mid to long term, unless the American nations learn how to look out for their well-being. And with that I don't mean just their individual well-being, but their collective one. Japan is not going to be dictating you terms or force you into cooperation, however, your nations will learn to cooperate and conduct themselves within the frameworks of the system, or it'll be merely a matter of time until they die. Japan is willing to cooperate, but we are not willing to get cut down for any fundamentally flawed policy of the Americans." "The success of this organisation relies first and foremost on the ability of Americans to avoid getting into unnecessary squabbles, their awareness of the need for cooperation, their willingness to integrate into the broader system and lastly... the stability of their states to not just fall apart within the next few years or decades. All things that even the Commonwealth managed to do, and which we'd hope his successor states keep up."

The Prme Minister's official residence The Disappearance of Akiyama Kagami A mystery seems to occupy the minds of the nation these days - Where is the Prime Minister? Prime Minister Akiyama Kagami was last seen in public about a week ago, when meeting with Korean President Park Ki So in Tsushima, Nagasaki Pefecture. Ever since, the Prime Minister has gone missing. Adding to public concerns is the fact that during this week two scheduled appearances of the Prime Minister have been cancelled, including one meeting of the National Diet and the commissioning of several new warships in Yokosuka Naval Base, occasions Prime Minister Akiyama would normally not miss. While the Kantei states that there is no reason to worry as Akiyama-san is merely very busy and has thus seen it as prudent to cancel certain scheduled events, the public is already speculating as to what happened to the Prime Minister to cause her to skip such important events. Rumors range from a secret crash of the Prime Minister's plane on the way back from Tsushima, to the Prime Minister having fallen victim to party-internal struggles, all the way to more absurd theories of her being abducted by aliens, her being a magical girl on long-term mission or her being currently on a journey to find herself, as has been suggested in discussions on an anonymous message board on the internet. While the nature of such rumours is indicative that most in Japan are not too worried as to why the Prime Minister has gone missing, it still shows the importance Akiyama's person occupies in Japan's political scenery. Inquiries by the NHK into the whereabouts of Prime Minister Akiyama sadly have been answered in an obscure matter, similar to how the situation seems to be handled overall, but we have been reassured that the Prime Minister is alive and within the country. While the nation however keeps wondering, many are looking forward to the Hanami season starting later this month in the Kantō region and for which an invitation has been extented even towards the Emperor of Tianxia, making it an event Prime Minister Akiyama is hardly going to miss.

"Yet, I cannot give you more than my word here, given that no more is in my power at this very moment. I do however think that calling our actions particularly intransparent is not necessarily reflective of the truth, nor would I think we have been particularly uncooperative in our actions up to now. While there may have been certain differences between our countries, such is the case between all countries at certain times, but I would say that the peaceful and mutually acceptable resolution of any such disputes should not be disregarded in your judgement of our character. In regards to international institutions, Japan is not interested in establishing new ones solely to serve our own ambition, but we also have not seen any reason to put much confidence in the UN anymore. This however is not to say we are unwilling to cooperate within a fair and stable framework. You surely recall that our country was quite vocal in favour of the UN when it was reestablished, but you must admit that at the current time, the system has fallen out of use apart from enforcing the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and apart from that, there is not much point in participating in such organisations more actively at this point of time. But Tianxia can rest assured that should it, as guarantor of stability, see to the establishment of a new framework or restore old ones to working order, provided they are fair stability and security-minded organisations, Japan will duely consider its cooperation. But even in the absence of such, we do not intent to neglect our bilateral relations with your country, as my visit hopefully proves. I would think that demonstration of Imperial power is at times surely needed and adequate, but I would dearly hope that our Empire be not unduely subjected to any unreasonable treatment. We do hope that our bilateral relations stay a bilateral affair and not become muddied by any general necessity for demonstrations of power. Because while our interests may at times be deviating, one would hope that there can be constructive steps towards realignment, which take into account the traditional preponderance of Tianxia's position, as well as the legitimate concerns of our country. Ideally, we would hope that the rise of our nation, rather than merely cause conflict, also show opportunities for positive development and that via mutual cooperation the Japanese position can be positively integrated into the regional structures, rather than cause any alienation between our traditionally close peoples."

Public Although the major threat that necessitated the construction of these ships has disintegrated, after two years of construction, the Nihon Kaigun commissioned twelve vessels of two new light destroyer classes. In contrast to the general-purpose nature of the akizuki-class, the new Shirayuki-class and Murasame-class will be more specialised destroyers, although the generally high modularity of the Type 10 VLS will allow for certain flexibility. As the two classes are solely made up of 6 vessels each, a common basic design, the Multi-Purpose Light Destroyer (MPLD) has been used for both classes. The design is to have a tonnage of 6,000-7,000 tons in displacement, about 150 metres in length, with a top speed of around 30 knots and a range of 6,500 nm, which will allow it to be assigned to flexible destroyer squadrons or as accompanying ships of carriers or battleships. The new designs continue to use many systems already in use on other Japanese Navy ships, but will also test new systems, such as an azimuth thruster propulsion. The Murasame-class is planned to be a dedicated AAW light destroyer to accompany destroyer squadrons for added protection against aircraft and missiles. It thus features 48 forward-placed VLS cells of short length, in order to carry a mixture of VL-ASROC, SAM-7 and Kai-SAM missiles for AAW and ASW purposes. It additionally features 16 short-length VLS amidship, usually used for further SAM-7. It carries for ASW purposes several heavyweight and lightweight torpedo launchers capable of firing Type 89 HWTs and Type 12 LWTs. It's anti-ship armament are a standard 8 Type 90 ship-to-ship missile. The Shirayuki-class is a slightly longer design for ASuW purposes. It replaces the mid-ship VLS with an added 8 Type 90 SSM and has an enlarged magazine space. While the Murasame-class utilises a smaller 76 mm naval gun, the Shirayuki-class is equipped with a larger 127 mm naval gun. The ships in the Murasame-class will be named: Murasame Samidare Yūdachi Shigure Harusame Shiratsuyu The ships in the Shirayuki-class will be named: Shirayuki Fubuki Hatsuyuki Miyuki Koyuki Ōyuki Confidential The two classes will be split into four destroyer squadrons of 3 ships each for now. This organisation will however be solely temporary, as the Naval Staff is trying to work on establishing more flexible destroyer squadrons, which will be able to function on their own, instead of being confined to act as escort vessels of the battle fleet. The experience of the attack on Alaska has highlighted the usefulness of the combination of heavy and light destroyers, given that while carrier forces assisted from the rear, battleships for the greater part stayed back and destroyer squadrons assisted during landings. Given the high value and limited number of capital surface combattants in the fleet, independent destroyer squadrons, similar to the envisioned model of the old Dai-Tōhoku Kaigun are seen as increasingly useful to conduct minor operations that do not necessitate the presence of capital surface combattants. This development also is seen as in line with an increased focus of defending sealanes, instead of amassing firepower, given the main adversary of the American Commonwealth has been defeated. The Naval Staff has ordered that further research be done on the MPLD design for future destroyer designs. While the Navy is not planning on ordering another class of light destroyers for now, theoretical research is to be done on the design and performane of the existing ships is to be observed to identify areas of improvement in case further light destroyer classes be ordered.

"Mou... mendokusai...", the Japanese envoy muttered, given that the Tianxians seemed to poke further. Then she started slightly annoyed. "As far as our point of view is concerned, Russia is less weak than just inefficient in certain regards, and hard to read at times. Which causes concern for many northern Japanese who live close to the border." "Tianxia has been our main trade partner and guarantor of security, though in recent times we are working towards our own security, which however does not diminish the importance of Tianxia with its vastly greater ressources in most regards and the positive image most of our people have of it." Lastly, she just looked at Abramovich, holding back the greater part of harsh words she had for him, just muttering angrily to herself. "Why do you even have to exist..."

"Our relations have been traditionally strained and Japanese public, especially in our northern regions are vary that there could be possible conflict at some point of time. It is our due hope that such distrust will die down over time, as peace holds and trade ensures.", Akasaka-Panina stated in a dry matter-of-fact way. While she was aware of the crude outline of Japanese policy towards Russia, the things which she knew were hardly to be disclosed to the Russians and most likely the government in Tokyo had a fair number of additional reasons to follow such a policy.

"I will convey your opinion on the matter of the Nicaragua canal to my government then. I am sure it will be taken into consideration and it will be adressed before the canal is completed. As for carving out a stake in the world for Japan, our government has no intention to become an Imperial entity, but there is no denying that our international profile has been increasing. But we are interested merely in our own security, not in domination, and for that we use the channels available. While Tianxia may be a guarantuor of international institutions, apart from a select few, most of the old institutions vanished or have lost influence, reducing the options in the international framework. It is our hope that cooperation is possible and that security can be established peacefully, though this will require a good bit of effort at times. The Japanese Empire is not going to seek drastic changes, but we do hope that we will be treated with due consideration as well. As it stands, the Imperial family matters not. Should they ever return though, I do think that the constitutional system will show them their limits and if not... I think our trouble will be greater than just your discontent. I have full confidence in the prodence of our government and people and the stability of the current system and doubt there'll be any issues anytime soon."

"Indeed, Tianxia recognised our independence and we trust in the Emperor's word that our independence is ours. Yet, one cannot help but notice that the Imperial government seems overly concerned with matters that for all intents and purposes are our own internal policies for us to decide and resolve. As it stands, the Japanese Imperial family has not been sighted in decades and we have no clue whether they are even alive. The matter has seen some debate following the end of our personal Union, but it ultimatively died down, as the Japanese public is not interested about discussing distant possibilities, in a time when more pressing matters ought to be adressed. For the moment, the Imperial family is not an issue on our agenda and the Imperial myth is neither encouraged, nor discouraged, as it is not for us to decide what our people believe in, nor would we want to bother our people unnecessarily. Tianxia may feel that this is careless and that there may be real danger, but the Japanese government deems the matter harmless and of no concern, given that regardless of the sympathies of the people towards a curently not present Emperor may be, our country is a stable democracy with constitutional barriers to any accumulation of power in what is the least powerful position in the entire policy-making process. The last time most people remember that a monarch actually intervened in the affairs of the state, Yuan Jia dissolved the country and part of the party spectrum due to allegations of fascism. Popular opinion since then has been that power should rest with the elected parliament and the cabinet responsible to it, not with hereditary autocrats. On the matter of Russia, the non-aggression pact is maybe not the most reasonable choice, but the Japanese government deems it prudent to conclude this agreement as a demonstration of good will towards Japan on the behalf of the Russian Empire. You may lecture us on disrespecting the Russians, but I do think that overall, the lack of respect has historically been a mutual issue, especially given that past attempts by our government to establish any kind of good relations have been rebuffed or ignored and the last time there were talks between Russia, Tianxia and our country, it was about the extradition of Japanese nationals who were tortured by Russian law enforcement. In regards to both, our democracy and the Russian Empire, you seem to be intervening on behalf of matters that are not being threatened and which to us seem very much capable of defending themselves had they been threatened. It thus puzzles me as to why Russo-Japanese trade and security talks, which have at no point involved any threat of force or any other form of coercion, require you to intervene, especially on behalf of an Empire which is considerably larger than ours. This intervention, Mr Chen, does raise quite a few questions as to how Tianxia seems to perceive us and I fear it may leave quite a few people puzzled as to the degree of which Tianxia lectures our country on our internal and security affairs. As towards your last point, the canal, we do not deem the issue a step of Empire-building and while it doubtlessly will have some military and strategic value, it is first and foremost an economic project and only secondarily does it allow improved transit of military vessels. The matter is, a canal is of value because it connects two points of one Empire, be it for Britain the British Isles and India, for America its East and West Coast or for you the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. Japan however has no holdings beyond the Pacific, I would say the Imperialism cemented here is not really present. If Tianxia however feels that the canal is too much of an issue, I may propose that it be administered by the Americans, or it be internationalised for equal access to all parties."

As the Republic of Korea became a fully independent state once again, the Chōsen Kaihatsu-chō was transformed into a cabinet agency of Japan tasked with administering the foreign assistence to Korea. It's budget would be about ¥1.45 trillion, with which it was supposed to fund Japanese projects in Korea. Mostly, this would be given as direct aid for rebuilding and restructuring Korea and for infrastructure and public services. But some also would be used to help the Bank of Japan to establish the Korean Agricultural Development Bank, which established its headquarters in Seoul and established branches in the different provinces. Small-scale loans would be given to farmers at low interest rates, for them to invest in modern equipment and education, as well as expanding their farmholds. It was advertised that by taking out loans, then improving ones farm and repaying the low-interest loan through the increased returns, long-term investment was possible for oneself and one's descendants. Additionally, the KADB was of course accepting savings from people, as it was eventually to be run like a normal bank and would need funding to hand out loans. Lastly, a section was created for more major loans, which were accessible to communes of farmers, in order to make common investment into heavier equipment to be shared, or even to establish communal processing plants for their agricultural goods to integrate into their business. The KADB was given the mission by the KDA to establish a stable and productive agricultural base in Korea, productive enough to allow limited self-sufficiency and to integrate the farmers safely into capitalism, while protecting them from any potential structural weaknesses in the Korean economy. Thus, the Bank's slogan would be nothing other than "Sowing Korea's Future."

"That would be quite reassuring indeed.", Akasaka-Panina responded, quite relieved that the Tsar seemed more cooperative and capable than Abramovich. "We would suggest a Non-Aggression Pact between our two countries, for a duration of ten years, before being reviewed, so as to promote peace along our mutual border and to foster some trust between our countries. Japan has no intention to cause Russia harm, but we do like our Northern border to be secure, and I'm hopeful a lasting agreement with us will not be without value, given your ongoing troubles in the Western areas of your vast Empire. I'd think that unless you request one, there be no cancellation clause in the treaty, except after the treaty runs out or in case one of our countries changes the territorial status quo in the Northern Pacific, whereupon the other party be allowed to cancel the treaty. Japan as a nation has no intention of expanding its borders, but should any concerns exist regarding this, I think this should prevent any concerns. If such an agreement be acceptable, we can proceed to establish greater economic ties too."

"We do not try to gain leverage over Russia by mentioning your trade, at least not political leverage of any sort. It was however deemed necessary to remind Russian negotiators that Japan is not in any way dependant on Russia's ressources and that it will thus not seek to gain access to these at any cost. We do not have any intentions of expanding into Russia, if such is feared. While relations are not ideal, waging a war with such diplomatic, military and financial cost for whatever it is we could ever gain from it, is nothing we would do. Quite the contrary, as it is, our government has accepted to send a delegation to Russia in the hope that through these three-party talks, peace in the region can be solidified and that possibly a non-aggression pact with Russia can be found, but it seems to us, all Russia ever did was to tell us that it has ressources, and we should be thankful to buy them. Japan is not dis-interested in such ressources, but we are way more interested in an actually secure Northern Border. Japanese expansion is maybe not merely economical, but we are hardly expanding territorially too, if such is a concern of yours. As it stands, the Empire has made one sole lasting expansion, which has been the incorporation of the Southern Seas Territory, which occurred peacefully. Since, we made it a point to allow for the establishment of new states, both in Korea, where our intervention followed a humanitarian and political crisis caused by Koreans themselves, and in the Americas, where already three states have risen from the ashes. Japan has every intention to cooperate with these new states and establish trade, which has for a long time been vital to our economy, but such will be without coercion and not aimed as a new Co-Prosperity Sphere. As for the Re-Imperialisation... I do think we have a communication error here. I mostly used this term, as a counter to your mentioning of rising criticism over Tianxia's de-imperialisation. Tianxia's change in policy towards its former territories has not gone unnoted and we are very much aware of what is happening in Southeast Asia. It has been stated that Japan's independence be respected, but of course, given the actions in Southeast Asia and how we just had to talk about 'red flags' one cannot help but worry about what intentions a Re-Imperialisation movement could have towards our free country, now or possibly in the future. In that sense, we have no intention to be the next Burma. Of course, that doesn't mean that we do not disagree on your notion on past fascism. While our country does carry the official title ofJapanese Empire still, as it has since the days of Yuan Jia, Japan has no intention of repeating its early Showa Era mistakes and we enjoy our democratic governance and free market. On the matter of the Imperial family, the whereabouts of said family are unknown and elements exist in our country, which do wish to actually see a return of a Japanese Emperor. But I am fairly sure that even if a majority for reinstatement can be found, constititutional restraints will remain in place, as there are no majorities for absolutism and fascism. It is a complicated issue, Mr Chen, given that many see the idea of the Imperial institution as an important constituant of Japanese political culture and society, even if such is merely the personification of national unity, with governance being firmly exercised by the Diet and the Prime Minister with her cabinet. To a degree, one could say, I am relieved the whereabouts are unknown, given it settles the matter for the moment anyway. But I can reassure you, Japan is looking for a peaceful order in the Pacfic and hopefully the world at large, and we value trade over expansion. While some decisions on our part may have seemed to indicate belligerence, such is not our wish for domination, but we do hold our national security in high regards and we normally engage into talks before taking any drastic action, even if these talks take time. In regards to Russia, as stated, we do not wish to leverage Russia into acquiscing to any outrageous Japanese demands, but we do deem it prudent that a trade agreement come with a general settlement to secure the status quo and our northern border. Because just as you fear our intentions to repeat our history, so are we not unconcerned about any potential Russian pivot to the Pacific, which could be detrimental to our security, given the quite substantial disparity in military firepower between our two countries and the strategic position of the Japanese Inner territories. But as long as a peaceful border is possible, we have no ill will towards Russia."

"Well, indeed, these aircraft may carry nuclear missiles and gravity bombs. But these are nuclear missiles and nuclear gravity bombs that Japan does not posess and which we are in no way intenting to ever posess. Yet, I am sure that would we ever intent to have a delivery system that can be fitted on the majority of the Commonwealth fighters, it could as well be fitted on our existing stock, if necessary as old as the F-15J. In regards to vehicles, I'd like to know since when it has been prohibited for us to posess any kind of system that may actually still work, should we be subjected to a nuclear attack. NBC protection and the ability to function even on a battlefield that has been devastated by NBC weaponry is not a priviledge of the nuclear powers and if our defensive measures reduce the effectiveness of nuclear weaponry on our country, I think such only demonstrates that nuclear weaponry has just even less value and should be abolished in the mid-to-long term altogether. Just as much as all these assets allow for a 'nuclear spearpoint', provided we'd be keeping any part of the arsenal, we are no third world country that has no idea how to produce equipment on our own and many of these matters are way too basic, or not even offensive, raising more questions as to why we should hand over this stockpile to the last gun and bullet. The establishment of logistical points has occurred, given that following the collapse of the Commonwealth, Japan was responsible for the protection of the american people, until independent states would form that are capable of defending themselves. Just as you, Japan has no intention of letting others abuse the current weakness of the Americas. But Japan has only a limited presence in the Western Hemisphere and we are in talks with the local regimes, in order to make sure that our presence will not be some neocolonialist adventure that creates another colony, as they still exist in the Americas. The establishment of a canal most of all serves our economic interests and serves to shorten the time that is required for transit from the Northern Pacific to the Northern Atlantic. While I can see that such construction may be a bit problematic for the Panama Canal, I would think that this construction neither blocks your shipping, nor does it cause any harm of a magnitude that would warrant the term 'red flag'. Its military-strategic importance would be very much limited to shaving a few days off the transit time. The sole occassions in which it would be of importance would be if the Panama Canal was to be used as leverage against us, a case that the Japanese government deems quite unlikely, which it hopefully is. Japan has no intention whatsoever of establishing an apparatus of coercion and domination in the Americas, nor do we seek to put Tianxia at a disadvantage, but I think that we do have a right to freely pursue cooperation with the Americas to improve trade, stabilise the region and promote independence, without having to be told that such constitutes a 'red flag'. This is no Japanese thumb on the Americas, it is at best an open hand as we assist the Americas in their own security and as has been made clear repeatedly, the Japanese Empire will withdraw any and all garrissons, once the Americans are confident in their own capability of defending themselves. The Japanese Empire, Mr Chen, is not entering a bid for global dominance here, nor are we trying to put others at a disadvantage. But at the same time, I do agree that our restraint has been somewhat lacking, which is however in no minor way related to the fact that the Japanese nation is hoping to be a more active contributor to the security of the region and to guarantee that there is no interruption to our maritime trade routes, which are of vital importance to our national security. It is not in our interest to compete with Tianxia for the traditional position of your Empire in the Asia-Pacific, but I would think we are also no suzerain nation anymore and it should be permissible for us to take measures to ensure our vital national interests. We are very much willing to cooperate with Tianxia, even as it reasserts itself, as such is conductive to the overall security and stability of the region, which undeniably is of great importance to both of our countries. But I must insist that we are treated as a sovereign state and as a friend and partner, not as a subject of the Emperor to order around and give veiled threats to. As it stands, the Japanese Empire is going to hand over unconditionally the nuclear stockpile to Tianxia for disposal and we will also hand over every former long-range bomber, nuclear-capable cruise missile and all ballistic missiles and ballistic missile submarines, together with any stocks of weapons great fissible material inherited from the Commonwealth. Such we can guarantee you and there will be no rolling back on that matter. However, we are going to break up all major Commonwealth ships for scrap and all minor vessels that are not usable by our forces or by the successor states of the American Commonwealth. For the rest of the military equipment, these are mostly scheduled to be broken apart, so they can do no harm anymore, though we may also hand certain low-capability fighters to the successor states to speed up the establishment of American self-protection. If the Empire of Tianxia deems Japanese actions to be an ambigious bid for global power, then such is a sad misinterpretation of our actions. Japan has expanded its capacities since it had to care for itself, but we have no intention of challenging the East Asian status quo. However, it would be good if Tianxia did not try to adopt coercive measures to now fence us in, but rather accept that the Japan of today is not the Japan of the times of Yuan Jia and that our current status be seen as opportunities, not as challenges. Because ultimatively, while we very much seek friendship with you, given the long common history of our peoples and our many common interests, Japan will not accept any re-imperialisation of our very country and we can't in good faith compromise our own national security, especially not after the attitude displayed here. We do not want anything to cast shadows on our relations, but if Tianxia wants to reassert itself in East Asia, it is welcome to do so and we will certainly be cooperative, as long as it gives proper consideration also to our interests and position and isn't just aimed at trying to demonstrate some superiority, which Tianxia may very well have in terms of military and economic power, but which still cannot overrule our existing security concerns and which we are willing to negotiate on, but not in this way shape or form." Ambassador Shiramine paused, took some breath and wondered how a Hanami visit could end with this kind of negotiation. But if such were the concerns present in the Empire of Tianxia, then it was all the more important to take care of them, before things got even worse.

"Well, if you could give the Japanese government a cost estimate then, so that we are able to make room in our budget for it, such be appreciated. Our initial response to your request for the nuclear stockpile has been met with full cooperation and Japan is not going to retain any nuclear weaponry following our initial and still standing policy on the matter. In regards to our request for information, the Imperial government requested us to dismantle the entire military stock captured from the Commonwealth, which also contains many conventional weapon systems that are neither nuclear nor delivery systems for nuclear devices. Given that we have no obligation to hand over or dismantle captured stocks of equipment that are not regulated by the Non-Proliferation Treaty, I would say that Tianxia may very well request of us to hand over such conventional weapon systems, but we should have every right to ask for reasons, for a list of equipment requested and what you are going to do with it. The Commonwealth military had thousands of aircraft, armoured vehicles, ships and other smaller systems that have a combined value in the quadrillions of Yen most likely, and aren't some trivial matter."

"I would very much like to know in what way Japan has rolled back on any of its pledges made. As it stands, we have solely been cooperative wherever it was requested, under the sole condition that no additional costs be imposed upon us for the dismantling of the stockpile. as far as our government sees it, one way or the other, we will get rid of the stockpile, though your help is of course very much appreciated, as long as it serves first and foremost the reduction of the global nuclear stockpile and strengthening the Non-Proliferation regime. One would think there is no real disagreement there between us, no? Similarly, there has been no mention by us of any intention to withhold any of the delivery systems. at the most, our government has requested an inventory as to what systems are concerned, so we can make sure that all items are being accounted for and nothing goes missing. As it stands, you accuse us of rolling back negotiations, when Japan has done nothing of the sort, but merely requested to not be given additional costs and to be provided with an inventory of requested items. Japan is not a country that has produced these weapons of mass destruction, nor do we intent to keep them, we merely captured them given our enemy who was a legacy nuclear power disintegrated and left us with this. So I would like to know in what way this tone is warranted that we get treated as if we had been uncooperative and seemingly untrustworthy, Mr Chen."

"For the moment, there is nothing more that I think needs to be adressed. as stated before, feel free to contact us, if anything arises that requires our assistence and I will see to the implementation on our part. I hope you'll have a nice day. Sayonara~" Akiyama then respectfully made a slight bow as she wished the President farewell and handed the document to an aide, so it could be sent pack to Tokyo ahead of the Prime Minister, with a copy for Seoul.

Akiyama clasped her hands, as she saw the North americans agree on something and hope rekindled that something good would come of this debate. "As stated before, we would welcome it if Americans would be working together and work towards strengthening the continent. In our experience, North America has either been a fragmented community of nations that were played against each other by outside powers, or it was dominated by one larger power that sapped the life out of the continent and most often was no better than the foreign colonies. In that sense, I'd like to know your opinion on creating a North American Council, which works towards preserving American freedom from outside powers, as well as from any hegemonial powers on the continent, so as to prevent the demise of North America once again. This is mainly the reason I invited both of your governments to send a representative here, so as to discuss this matter, which is of importance to all three of us." Akiyama paused for a moment, wondering whether to disclose it or not, but ultimatively decided to do so, given it seemed necessary. "Given Japan sees itself in this arrangement as an outside partner, not as a foreign occupation force, we would of course be willing to transfer the overall responsibility of our tremendous North american protectorate to any such organisation, in the spirit of North americans being in charge of themselves. But of course, such would first require an institution that represents the North american common will."

"Indeed, we are referring to the stock that has been captured from the legacy power of the American Commonwealth, and which is scheduled to be dismantled over the coming years. Given that such is already decided, as long as no additional costs be incurred, Tianxia is welcome to cooperate on the matter. We won't miss the stockpile and we would hope that the NPT will be enforced rigorously and never make us miss it.", Shiramine stated with a cooperative smile, before turning towards a more concerned expression. "Considering the de-Imperialisation, I think it is hardly a secret that a good few in Japan have been hardly euphoric over the reduction of Tianxia's influence in the world. It has caused much concern over security of trade and some even go as far as to wonder whether the American Commonwealth and Japan had been at peace, had Alaska stayed with Tianxia from the very beginning. So, I'm sure any reemergence of Tianxia will find at least some approval within our country. Nevertheless, however, given our history, I of course cannot help but be concerned as to what such a reemergence would entail and how much of a threat it could be to our or Korean independence."

"Thank you for your consideration. I'll also see to it, that adequate funding be made available via already existing channels, such as the Korean Development Agency. We are hopeful that future relations between our people will be good and that Korea can improve its standing after this bleak chapter of Juche." Akiyama then took out a pen and signed the treaty with a neat vertical arrangement of the four Kanji that made up her name.

"Well, I'm sure we'll find an agreement. We would be interested in a more long-term business, given we see this also as a matter of energy security." Akechi then came to the second point, where she wondered what to say, given her position and the Arabian position, with all their differences. "Well, it hardly is healthy to neglect potential threats either, given that neglect can lead to rather disastrous consequences. Japan has for years kept up its vigilance in its dealings with other states and I would think it is one reason why our country still exists, compared to most of our rivals. While our country sees Tianxia rather positively, given that they for many years ensured stability and prosperity for our people, it is naturally not for us to interfere in this matter. As personal advise, I'd deem a limited local presence of Tianxia for the sake of ensuring the safety of trade routes a minor matter, which could be utilised to improve relations and maybe establish military cooperation. Compared to the Russians, Athenians and Azadi, Tianxia has no border with Arabia and better positioned to help defend arabian sovereignity, more than any other country. Though, as stated, such is only my personal advise, the Japanese Empire has no intention of interfering with this matter. Though of course, this matter does highlight one issue for us, which would be... Does Arabia have the capabilities to protect the sealanes of the Western Indian Ocean? It would be less than ideal if our future main shipping routes be unprotected and subject to potential attack and piracy."

The Fleet today received its third and final patch of Akizuki-class destroyers, marking it a total of 18 Akizuki-class vessels in service. The ships, named Hanazuki, Kiyotsuki, Ōtsuki, Hazuki, Yamazuki and Urazuki, are going to be assigned to the third Fleet. The Ministry of the Navy has stated that with this, the class is complete and that despite discussions, no further ships of the class will be procurred. Instead, newer classes of light destroyers will be procurred to serve in more specific roles, as the Akizuki-class has been termed a general-purpose light destroyer. Highly Confidential The ASSM-3 Block IV (or ASSM-3D) has been introduced as the latest variant of the ASSM-3 and features a new, better-integrated sensor package. Improvements are mainly in ECCM, more accurate target recognition and discrimination capabilities and a reduction of emissions during cruise and approach, limiting it mainly to short, low-energy communications with satelites or assets present in the field. The improvement is deemed minor and ASSM-3Cs will be upgraded to this new standard. While officially the Tomahawk is still in use, the ASSM-3 replaces the older missiles in its role completely.

Akiyama waved at one of the diplomatic aides, who handed her a file. After fishing through several documents, Akiyama produced one sheet of paper which she handed Park for review. "Of course the other measures were not forgotten, but I think they are more initiatives of private ventures and our universities, which I cannot sign on their behalf.", Akiyama explained. "Anything I forgot?"