La Nueva Libertadores

[Captain Enema]

[b]Private[/b]

"Hello,

The Duchy of Northern Ireland is greatly interested in purchasing a specialised Battlecruiser for our fleet. We've attached the specifications to this message and would greatly appreciate an estimate of costs."

Prime Minister George Best


ooc: Specs are what we talked about in irc.

[TheShammySocialist]

[quote name='Tidy Bowl Man' timestamp='1346911909' post='3028147']
[b]Private[/b]

"Hello,

The Duchy of Northern Ireland is greatly interested in purchasing a specialised Battlecruiser for our fleet. We've attached the specifications to this message and would greatly appreciate an estimate of costs."

Prime Minister George Best


ooc: Specs are what we talked about in irc.
[/quote]

[b]Secure Dispatch[/b]

[quote][b]To: The Office of Prime Minister George Best
From: Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard

Subj: RE:Specialized Battlecruiser[/b]

[i]Senor Best[/i]

After doing some research on your request, we may have found a vessel that fits your designs that can have modular systems attached to it, although it is a redesign of an older Soviet missile cruiser, the design has been completely revised. The vessel would be armored to an extent, especially around its critical systems, much like most Colombian Naval vessels, along with the possibility of adding torpedo bulges at the cost of some reduced speed, but its flexibility in missile armament carried, along with a prodigious amount of naval artillery on board would fit your needs quite well.

The design is currently known as Battlecruiser Design 343, and a basic overview of its plans can be found in the attachment download below. I hope they are to your liking, current individual cost of procurement for these ships is pegged at one billion Colombian Bolivars.

[url=http://i1192.photobucket.com/albums/aa325/VictorDeltaRomeo/KirovUpgrade.png]Attachment Download[/url]

[i]All the best,

Lela Fuentes
Head of External Sales[/i][/quote]

[Captain Enema]

[quote]To: Lela Fuentes
From: Prime Minister George Best

We'll take 7 of them. Provide an account number for transfer of funds.
[/quote]

[TheShammySocialist]

In a secure reply, a financial account would be designated for the Northern Irish to deposit their funds in, and work to lay out the ships would get underway immediately. In an effort to ensure a faster completion of the vessels, as many internal components from ships built for the Gran Colombian Navy would be used as feasible, to negate the need to retool maritime component production facilities for the building of the vessels.

[Captain Enema]

The funds were quietly and private transferred to pay for the ships. Crews were recruited from the pool of trained naval persons left over from previous regimes of Ireland's troubled past. The largish crews would not be fully staffed, but the needed manpower to get them from Columbia to Ireland will be ready when the ships are delivered.

[b]Private[/b]
To: Lela Fuentes
From: Prime Minister George Best

You wouldn't happen to have any air craft carriers for sale would you? We are in the market for six smaller carriers, the full sized Nimitz carriers will not suit our needs as Ireland is uniquely and requires a long range fleet of ships capable of escorting merchant vessels to keep our nation supplied at all times. We are looking for a highly versatile carrier that has an air group of about 30 to 40 planes, it must be faster than the Nimitz class, and can carry a small supply of it's own missiles in the event it needs to defend itself in an Air Defense or Anti-shipping mode.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kiev_class_aircraft_carrier

Pardon me for the vulgarity of inserting a bobpedia link in this message, but it's the best I could find on short notice. The ship is roughly the idea of what we are looking for. The planes we require are a modernized SVTOL design and must be able to perform long range air defense missions. While the design is roughly what we are looking for, the firepower on the ship certainly isn't. We require modern missiles, radar, and to emphasize...the ship must be fast.

Best of Wishes,
Best

[TheShammySocialist]

[quote name='Tidy Bowl Man' timestamp='1347113893' post='3028588']
To: Lela Fuentes
From: Prime Minister George Best

You wouldn't happen to have any air craft carriers for sale would you? We are in the market for six smaller carriers, the full sized Nimitz carriers will not suit our needs as Ireland is uniquely and requires a long range fleet of ships capable of escorting merchant vessels to keep our nation supplied at all times. We are looking for a highly versatile carrier that has an air group of about 30 to 40 planes, it must be faster than the Nimitz class, and can carry a small supply of it's own missiles in the event it needs to defend itself in an Air Defense or Anti-shipping mode.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kiev_class_aircraft_carrier

Pardon me for the vulgarity of inserting a bobpedia link in this message, but it's the best I could find on short notice. The ship is roughly the idea of what we are looking for. The planes we require are a modernized SVTOL design and must be able to perform long range air defense missions. While the design is roughly what we are looking for, the firepower on the ship certainly isn't. We require modern missiles, radar, and to emphasize...the ship must be fast.

Best of Wishes,
Best
[/quote]

[quote][b]To: The Office of Prime Minister George Best
From: Lela Fuentes, HES, Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard

Subj: RE:Aircraft Carrier[/b]

Currently, the only aircraft carriers in existence that have been built by our shipyard, or any shipyard in Gran Colombia, remains to be the [url=http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gerald_R._Ford_class_aircraft_carrier][i]Boyaca[/i]-class[/url]. As these aircraft carriers do not meet your respective desires, we would have to adapt existing plans from the ones you indicated, and redesign it to suit your needs for a fast, well-armed variant. While our yard is currently in the process of commissioning and outfitting the last two aircraft carriers for the Colombian Navy, we can transfer the building of these ships to the shipyard at the Cumana Naval Arsenal, another major government owned and operated facility in Northeastern Venezeula.

If this arrangement suits your needs, we will begin the procurement process immediately at Cumana, and our shipwrights will be in contact with a complete design overview.

[i]Sincerely,

Lela Fuentes
Head of External Sales[/i][/quote]

[TheShammySocialist]

[b]Classified[/b]

In an effort to augment existing anti-shipping weaponry, including anti-ship missiles and anti-ship ballistic missiles, as well as a primary defense of utilizing a full aerial bombardment campaign, the Chiefs of Defense Staff were requested by the Ministry of Defense to turn to the Colombian National Defense Command also known by the acronym "CNDCOMM" for a third wheel to defensive armament of Colombia's shore defenses. The joint services CNDCOMM was already in charge of directing strategy and operational command to ensure the national defense of the Republic proper, and had already developed a robust plan to ensure the security of the Colombian coastline through the use of ground and air based systems. Despite this robust defense, which was mobile and subject to elimination, there were no existing CNDCOMM-termed "baseline defense systems" of static defenses, an already-conducted study utilizing coastal artillery had been scrapped due to infeasibility and easy elimination, and the Ministry of Defenses' request raised eyebrows over whether it could develop a "third wheel" to the coastal defense strategy already in place.

The answer for the CNDCOMM's quandary would come from the commander of the CNDCOMM’s Technology Research and Development Division, Lieutenant Colonel Jacqueline Uribe. Uribe was already well known for her Division’s involvement in being a liaison for the over-the-horizon radar projects, and the recently-implemented satellite dazzling system. To develop a new weapons system for the coastal defense of the Republic, Uribe would redevelop and rethink the defunct coastal artillery program, with engineers and scientists from the State University of Colombia’s Polytechnic Institute. Instead of utilizing or redeveloping old coastal defense artillery turrets or systems that had been used for more than a century, she would instead rely on a new technology in limited development at the Polytechnic Institute; railguns.

The electrically-driven weapon systems could deliver highly accurate rounds at astounding ranges, with enough explosive power to badly damage ships or decimate ground forces unfortunate enough to be in its sights. Uribe would reinforce her presentation to the Chiefs of Defense Staff with commentary from the CNDCOMM’s Strategic Planning Division, responsible for developing operational doctrines and plans for the national defense of the country. Utilizing Gran Colombia’s rugged landscape itself would enhance the ability for the high-powered weaponry to perform in relative secrecy without endangering itself during initial trading of shots. It would gain approval within minutes of her presentation being over, with all Chiefs of Defense Staff in agreement to fund the proposal.

To satiate the power-hungry weapon itself, the XM874 Indirect Weapon System Project (also known as Project Long Sword) would turn to the San Fernando Atomic Labs for help. San Fernando Atomic Labs was the civilian and secretly, military provider, of all processed nuclear material in the Republic’s nuclear power plants and officially-disavowed nuclear weapons program. To power the four-hundred-fifty-kilometer-ranged XM874 85 Mega-Joule Indirect Weapon System, San Fernando Atomic Labs would begin an accelerated development of a type of breeder reactor, which could power the gun and its emplacement subsystems and power needs. This would be augmented by a geothermal power unit that could provide power to cooling systems and shutdown systems for the reactor. To reduce thermal signatures of the reactor, heated gasses would be dissipated in a series of pipes out of the railgun emplacement, and water used in the coolant process would be recycled in cooling vats and reused again, while other water could be tapped into from natural aquifers.

To take advantage of the naturally rugged terrain of Greater Colombia, and take advantage of the railgun’s long range capabilities, all would be emplaced in rugged mountainous terrain, along the coastline. In Western Colombia, along the Pacific Ocean, in the Cordillera Occiental, the proposed line of emplacements for the guns would begin at the border with Edean, and stretch north to foothills town of Tado, from there, the line of emplacements would then take advantage of the Serranía de Baudó, and stretch north towards the Panamanian Border. To protect the populous northern coast of the states of Colombia and Venezuela, a series of emplacements would be built in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, the northern fringes of Sierra de Perija, the Cordillera de la Costa, and the Turimiquire Range. A single battery would also be placed on Isla Margarita.

Minus the single battery upon Isla Margarita, which would use a multiple-directional casemate with firing arcs in all four compass directional points, the rest of the emplacement’s casemates would be relatively similar to one another. Emplaced into the sides of steep slopes, the tops of the casemates would be disguised utilizing natural and artificial vegetation over steel-reinforced composite armor dome-shaped doors. The casemates themselves allowed for the gun to fire at upward or downward angles as low as twenty-five degrees, and as high as sixty degrees, while the ability to traverse left and right were twenty-five degrees each way, with the gun maneuvering on a track system at the bottom of the sloped casemate. To protect the thermal integrity of the emplacements, a high-powered venting system would recycle cooler air into the casemate the minute the round left the railgun, completely dissipating hot gasses produced by the weapon within five seconds. The heavy casemate doors could be fully closed within ten seconds, and opened in the same amount of time, and had the capability to maneuver with the gun if it traversed left and right, and remain partially closed during the firing process.

Steel-reinforced concrete construction for the rest of the emplacement enhanced the protection the natural rock offered to the facilities, and helped conceal the facilities themselves. Multiple personnel access points and a single vehicle point were well concealed from aerial reconnaissance, and a security platoon would guard against intrusion utilizing infantry weapons and concealed remote weapon systems. To protect against aerial bombardments directed at the railgun emplacements, two to three concealed quadruple threat close-in weapon system turrets were placed at random distances from the emplacements with good fields of fire to sweep the sky of aerial and missile threats.

On site technicians and weapon specialists would have replacement components for the railgun itself, as well as spare electronic parts in the event of electromagnetic pulse damage. Most of the weapon’s processing systems were located in control rooms that were well hardened against EMP bursts. Communications with regional and strategic headquarters was accomplished from buried phone lines, and the emplacements would be fully compatible with the [i]Illapa[/i] Combat Management System. The full garrison of the emplacements would be around one hundred personnel, many of them being specialists, who would serve one week tours of duty, then being replaced with a secondary team on a rotational basis.

To disguise the large-scale construction of the emplacements, a public and international disinformation campaign would be handled in a joint cooperative effort by the National Intelligence and Security Directorate and the [i]Fuerzas Militares de Gran Colombia[/i]. To disguise construction efforts from the public, the construction would be tagged as mining exploration operations or utilizing the darkness of the night to bring in heavy equipment via heavy lift helicopter or truck convoy. Excavated material would be used as much as possible in the construction, recycling rock to make concrete and the like, or dispersing it elsewhere. Camouflage netting would mask direct-vision aerial reconnaissance from low-flying civil aircraft, and would allow work to progress during the day with relative secrecy.

To protect the construction from optical national intelligence satellites from other countries, the Republic would organize a larger-scale campaign of an already-active program surrounding the use of the Synergy Group’s ASAT/NLBS-1E [i]Safeguard[/i] satellite blinding/dazzling system. To increase the effectiveness of both fixed and mobile dazzling systems, the Colombian Navy would announce a series of sovereignty patrols and radar exercises off the Colombian West Coast and Southwest Caribbean Sea in international waters. This would see a continual rotating deployment of two to three [i]Libertadore[/i]-class guided missile destroyers sweeping the sky with their multifunction active electronic scanned arrays, to provide information on satellite tracks. Coupled with long-range over-the-horizon radars on land, this information would be relayed to a series of mobile and fixed [i]Safeguard[/i] systems which would non-lethally “dazzle” overflying optical intelligence satellites with a well-aimed burst of light. Although this was a more concerted effort to blind enemy satellites than initial campaigns, it could still be construed as a continuation of anti-intelligence efforts...

[Captain Enema]

[b]Private[/b]
To: Lela Fuentes
From: Prime Minister George Best

Perhaps there lays a potential for a collaboration between our two nations? The Irish Navy is not being designed to fill the current role that many naval forces embark upon. Our nation just is not big enough to satisfy those requirements properly. After a long conversation with my Chief Naval Officer we've come to the conclusion that the previous design we asked about will not meet our needs. Give that our carriers will be escorted by swift moving destroyers that are heavily armed with missiles, it makes little sense to clutter up the deck of a carrier with VLS cells.

The Irish ship building industry is beginning to build smaller fleet units such as frigates and destroyers. What if your company were to help us design and then assist us with building most of the ships in Irish ship yards? The resulting design would be yours, we'd be paying a licensing fee, and in the end you'd be left with a marketable item that might well appeal to the smaller naval organizations of the world. It's possible the larger naval forces might find this vessel of interest should it be configurable to their needs.

Think on it,
G. Best

[Tanis777]

[b]Classified[/b]

As part of the agreement between the Federation and Colombia, a select team of communications security/surety, cryptography and space communications specialists working for the various branches of the Federation Armed Forces, Federation Space Agency, or the various intelligence agencies would touchdown at a Colombian Air Force Base to talk with Colombian military and intelligence officials on the first of many meetings on the subject of communications security. Coordinating the efforts on the behalf of the Federation was the Federation Security Intelligence Agency (FSIA), which oversaw the Federation's communications security policies as one of it's many tasks.

The convoy of three C-17s with their F-22 escorts rolled into their respective parking spots on the flight line orchestrated by their Colombian counterparts. Before the meeting even began, the first team of Air Force personnel belonging to DEMES would disembark from one of the C-17s to establishing several "listening post" vehicles for potential electromagnetic emanations that potential enemies would pick up upon if anyone besides the Federation or Colombian officials from the meeting spot. This procedure would be explained to the Colombians later.

Another team on another C-17 began unloading materials to the meeting room to beef up the physical security requirements meeting DEMES emanations specifications and FSIA security requirements. Doors would be replaced with much thicker ones, specially designed acoustical dampening panels placed onto the walls to eliminate eavesdropping threats. With the help of the DEMES team, the team securing the meeting room would know where to improve gaps in the construction of the secure room. Temporary CCTV cameras would be placed and the Federation would be placing their own guards outside of the building where the meeting was being held and a temporary security control room would be established nearby. It was all part of the scope that the Federation officials there in Colombia to protect the knowledge of their systems from outside threats and to the Colombians on the seriousness of ensuring enough physical security to prevent breaches in communications security.

It would take a couple days to have this all arranged, but it was necessary before the last pieces were rolled out, in the meantime, the aircraft were guarded by military guards from the Federation making the area a very restricted area for the entirety of the visit. As DEMES wrapped up their work, the Top Secret vault, featuring a double-combination lock required two people to open it, which was done so between two military personnel with the clearance necessary to open it. The opening and closing would be annotated on a form taped on the door of the vault and the contents inventoried as it was unloaded and transported to the secure meeting room. Once again, it would be inventoried and recorded on a Federation Air Force inventory form. As such, the hardware, various publications and materials for the meeting was ready to be viewed and the meeting could begin.

The team representing the Hudson Bay Federation:

Brigadier General Joshua Gillis, Deputy Director of the Federation Security Intelligence Agency
Colonel (Ret.) Henry Sellrow, Chief Manager of Communications, Federation Space Agency
General Philip Lovelock, Commander of Air Force Space Command
Major General Scott Jackson, Commander of Army Communications
About 25 other folks with various backgrounds in the subject fields.

____________________________________________________________________________________________

As the meeting would begin as Joshua Gillis was informed on the completion of initial EM sweep work done by DEMES and the classified materials were finally unloaded and placed in the meeting room. He would give the go ahead to allow the Colombian counterparts and the rest of the Federation officials to enter the building. As everyone would arrive shortly, the Colombians would definitely notice a very high level of security as the first example of physical security at what a Federation military building on a base would look like that may contain, receive, and discuss classified information. While no Top Secret level equipment or publications were in Colombia, the entry to the building lacked addition security measures besides the initial access list provided by the Federation itself for it's members and by Colombia. Everyone would take to their seats as Gillis would open the meeting.

"Welcome everyone to the first of many meetings on behalf of the Hudson Bay government to provide the Colombian military, government and interested commercial entities meetings on communications security, communications assurance, cryptography and dealing with space-based communications. Myself along with others representing the breath and width of various civilian and military departments from the Federation will detail unclassified information on ensuring the building blocks to build unbreakable networks. We'll describe terms, methodology, practices, some hardware equipment, algorithms, and cryptography methods to build such a network. So, before beginning... questions?" opened Gillis.

[TheShammySocialist]

[b]Classified[/b]

With Peru having recently gained independence from Greater Colombia, a general withdrawal of Colombian military and security units would begin almost immediately, save for three outposts that would be maintained under the agreements that guaranteed Peru's independence from Colombian protection. The main outpost for Colombian military activity would center around Fort San Martin/Joint Forces Base Los Portales, south of Lima. The base would be the home of the 8th Infantry Division, as well as the garrison for the headquarters element of the Colombian Expeditionary Forces in Peru, and would also host a few fighter squadrons from the 9th Fighter Wing, as well as perform the function of home port for two frigates and a trio of littoral combat ships. The smaller bases of Fort Apache at Junin, and Fort Stalwart at Iquitos would host the 45th Independent Armored Cavalry Regiment and the 32nd Independent Cavalry Regiment (Airmobile) respectively, and would have access to on-site Colombian controlled and maintained airports.

All of the Colombian bases would have multiple satellite communication uplinks, and would be able to directly communicate with the Chiefs of Defense Staff in Bogota, utilizing the secure [i]Illapa[/i] Combat Management System's communication subsystems. Encrypted voice and data transmissions would be sent to prevent electronic eavesdropping on the bases' communication arrays. The Colombian bases were also fenced off with defensive positions and controlled access points, with twenty-four hour foot and vehicle patrols providing security to the facilities, buildings on the bases would have keycard access. Some facilities having multiple levels of security for entrance, including command and control facilities, communications facilities, electricity and water generation facilities, munitions facilities, and other high-level points of interest.

Further enhancements for the base defenses would include detachments of mobile anti-aircraft weaponry, as well as static anti-aircraft and anti-missile systems, spread throughout the base evenly. Artillery detachments from the National Army would provide a bulwark of fire support if needed, and the base would be armed with enhanced counter-battery radar, as well as static radar arrays (AESA, low-frequency, and monostatic systems, primarily) including an AEM/OTH-2 radar array at Fort San Martin. The bases would also be the first equipped with the Synergy Group's IR/SSC-1G Quantum Well Infrared Photodetection (QWIP) Thermographic Cameras, which could be used to track air and surface targets. The various detection systems as well as defensive countermeasures would ensure the expeditionary forces' facilities were well guarded against threats to their existence.

The withdrawal of military and security units did not also hail the retreat of established covert operations inside Peru's borders, included the Compass del Sur Company, which had been established in Cusco, Peru, right next to the Colombian Consulate. A front for Colombia's shadowy National Intelligence and Security Directorate, Compass del Sur ran a number of "legitimately funded" global positioning and "telecommunications" satellites, which actually were signals intelligence and low-MEO optical satellites. Compass del Sur also provided money distribution for the National Intelligence and Security Directorate, providing finances, forged identification papers, and weapons to agents. The facility also provided some living quarters for field agents if needed, and its on site security specialists could provide outside surveillance of the building through a series of hidden cameras to watch for counter-espionage surveillance.

Compass del Sur's facility in Cusco had a legitimate front for providing privately-funded geological surveys, and even conducting services in procuring high-quality maps, consultations for guide services throughout the Andes, and high-quality all-weather global positioning system units. The company was independently owned by a Colombian ex-patriate, Enrique Xavier Samosa with a clean security record (as far as anyone could tell), and a clean financial record (again, as far as anyone could tell) and had been given a "legitimate monetary grant" by the Colombian Treasury for "assisting the Latin American community in eco-tourism and advocating a healthy lifestyle of out-of-doors adventurism". To provide security for its facilities in Cusco, the backrooms of the facility were completely keycard access, with anti-intrusion and video surveillance systems throughout the facility. Physical connection with the next door Colombian Consulate was achieved from a series of hidden access points, and Compass del Sur's facility were provided with a secure diplomatic communications channel, with voice and data encryption and daily rotating keys, much like the Colombian military's [i]Illapa[/i] System.

[TheShammySocialist]

[quote name='Tidy Bowl Man' timestamp='1347237901' post='3028901']
[b]Private[/b]
To: Lela Fuentes
From: Prime Minister George Best

Perhaps there lays a potential for a collaboration between our two nations? The Irish Navy is not being designed to fill the current role that many naval forces embark upon. Our nation just is not big enough to satisfy those requirements properly. After a long conversation with my Chief Naval Officer we've come to the conclusion that the previous design we asked about will not meet our needs. Give that our carriers will be escorted by swift moving destroyers that are heavily armed with missiles, it makes little sense to clutter up the deck of a carrier with VLS cells.

The Irish ship building industry is beginning to build smaller fleet units such as frigates and destroyers. What if your company were to help us design and then assist us with building most of the ships in Irish ship yards? The resulting design would be yours, we'd be paying a licensing fee, and in the end you'd be left with a marketable item that might well appeal to the smaller naval organizations of the world. It's possible the larger naval forces might find this vessel of interest should it be configurable to their needs.

Think on it,
G. Best
[/quote]

[b]Secure Diplomatic Communication[/b]

[quote][b]To: The Office of Prime Minister George Best
From: Lela Fuentes, HES, Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard

Subj: RE:Aircraft Carrier[/b]

Senor Best,

Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard has a large contingent of shipwrights, maritime engineers, and associated technicians that would certainly be willing to provide your shipyards with consultation and design services from just basic ship layouts, to fully designing ships to your specifications. Given that you offered to pay licensing and consultation fees, I would not see any trouble with authorizing an exchange of ship designs that might fit your requirements.

If you are looking for a smaller-sized aircraft carrier that utilizes around thirty to forty combat aircraft, along with associated helicopters and systems, the maritime engineers suggested this design to me for your specifications. The nuclear-powered [url=http://i1192.photobucket.com/albums/aa325/VictorDeltaRomeo/QueenElizabethClass.jpg]Project-19B Class[/url] is a very versatile lighter aircraft carrier with a wide array of strike and projection capabilities. It is of a smaller size, and envisioned for a more littoral combat situation, with a large number of guns for small surface threats and missile attacks.

[i]Regards,

Lela Fuentes[/i]
[b]Head of External Sales[/b][/quote]

---

[quote name='Tanis777' timestamp='1347580527' post='3029855']
As the meeting would begin as Joshua Gillis was informed on the completion of initial EM sweep work done by DEMES and the classified materials were finally unloaded and placed in the meeting room. He would give the go ahead to allow the Colombian counterparts and the rest of the Federation officials to enter the building. As everyone would arrive shortly, the Colombians would definitely notice a very high level of security as the first example of physical security at what a Federation military building on a base would look like that may contain, receive, and discuss classified information. While no Top Secret level equipment or publications were in Colombia, the entry to the building lacked addition security measures besides the initial access list provided by the Federation itself for it's members and by Colombia. Everyone would take to their seats as Gillis would open the meeting.

"Welcome everyone to the first of many meetings on behalf of the Hudson Bay government to provide the Colombian military, government and interested commercial entities meetings on communications security, communications assurance, cryptography and dealing with space-based communications. Myself along with others representing the breath and width of various civilian and military departments from the Federation will detail unclassified information on ensuring the building blocks to build unbreakable networks. We'll describe terms, methodology, practices, some hardware equipment, algorithms, and cryptography methods to build such a network. So, before beginning... questions?" opened Gillis.
[/quote]

The Colombians would be rather taken aback by the large amount of security measures taken by their Federation counterparts, watching the meeting venue for the Colombian and Federation officials come together at a quick, and a seemingly well-drilled pace. To attend the meeting, the Colombians would would assign a group of civilian and military officials for the gathering, the civilian officials coming from the Ministry of the Interior, and the National Intelligence and Security Directorate (NISD). They had all been vetted and approved by the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of the Interior to attend the conference, along with a few aides, who also had been afforded high level security clearances.

The Representatives for Greater Colombia would include the following individuals;

[list]
[*] Deputy Director Simon Ricardo Barrio, NISD Director of National Security
[*] Major General Ramona Villa, Colombian National Army's Corps of Signals
[*] Wing Commander Anton San Martin, Colombian Air Force Intelligence
[*] Colonel Victor Franco, Colombian Air Force Orbital Division; Liaison to the Colombian Space Agency
[*] Various Aides/Technicians
[/list]

Barrio and Villa were considered to be the [i]de facto[/i] leaders of the Colombian contingent at the meeting, but all of the Colombians who arrived and listened to Gillis' first statement, seemed to be very attentive of what their new allies had to say. They would exchange a few whispers as Gillis rounded off his opening statement, and Barrio would take the lead, after asking around for any opening questions, to state, "I don't believe we have any right now, General Gillis, although I would like to extend, officially, on behalf of the government, our gratitude for you holding this conference with us." There would be a murmurs and nods of agreement that would echo from the seats of the Colombian representatives.

Edited September 15, 2012 by TheShammySocialist

[TheShammySocialist]

The withdrawal of Colombia from the newly-independent Peruvian Imperium was a welcome one by the government and a number of military and security forces' families, with only a token force of eighteen thousand combat soldiers now living on rotating basis in permanent bases in Peru. The government was also able to save on administrative costs of keeping up a Protectorate Government, as well as paying local Peruvian security forces and municipal service workers. The departure of this expenditure ahead of schedule would provide the Colombian government additional monetary resources for further infrastructure projects, mainly throughout the interior of the country, as well as increased funding for social services being provided to still-displaced families of the Delta Amacuro Department.

A few urban centers in Delta Amacuro had been reopened finally, including the city Tucupita, where a number of buildings had to be demolished for radiation contamination, and still had to be replaced utilizing government funds. A number of families never even returned, having moved into other cities, and the Ministry of Home Affairs expected the total population of Delta Amacuro to be cut by almost a full fifth of its original before the fallout rained down on the region. Spirits did remain high for a revitalization of the region, as well as expansion and dredging efforts in the region to help open up the Rio Orinoco to further seagoing ship traffic. After a Herculean effort, most international clean up crews were dismissed by the Republic, acknowledging their grateful appreciation for the assistance during the crisis, but citing that most of the work was scattered and the continued maintenance of crews in Colombia was illogical and returning the crews home to their countries and families was now a primary goal. Before they departed, however, the international teams would all be personally given Colombian Presidential Civil Service Commendations, usually handed out to emergency personnel or units for service in difficult and dangerous situations, by President de Ardanza.

[center][IMG]http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/69/Army_Superior_Unit_Award_ribbon.svg/200px-Army_Superior_Unit_Award_ribbon.svg.png[/IMG]

[i]The Colombian Presidential Civil Service Commendation Ribbon.[/i][/center]

The economy's relative slowness during the crisis also began to finally give way to the gears of the markets finally pushing forward to give economic growth higher rates, the timely application of preferential trade agreements was also opening up new doors for Colombian exports. The ratification of the trade agreements would help jump start the economy once again after the crisis was slowly abating, and the economic forecasts were looking up for the Republic as a whole. Synergy Group and National Motors of Colombia would both get external "assistance" to help fuel further profits with contracts for delivering helicopters and infantry fighting vehicles respectively from the Hudson Bay Federation. The first shipment of these weapon systems would begin about a fortnight from when the The Ojangestad Accords were signed.

Edited September 15, 2012 by TheShammySocialist

[TheShammySocialist]

Much like many days in September and October in Caracas, true to form, it was raining heavily as pedestrians splashed through the streets and went about their daily business. Overlooking the city from the southwest, Ignacio de Ardanza sat on a window seat in his hacienda, looking through the rain at the twinkling lights below him in the city. A low rumble of thunder preceded the arrival of Elena Vasquez, who bounced down next to him, and cuddled up against her fiance. Ignacio smiled as she lay her head against his shoulder, and she sighed softly.

"Manuel just informed me that Salvatore is almost here, he wants to speak with you," she said, softly speaking, speaking of the Hacienda's butler.

"Torres? I didn't know he was coming," responded Ignacio, speaking of the current Prime Minister and Speaker of the Chamber of Representatives. Salvatore Torres was a firebrand politician who had earned himself a strong reputation for his flamboyant leadership style. He clashed with many politicians from the opposition as well as members of his own party, and spoke his mind, which could have been a good and bad trait depending on the circumstance. "Did Manuel tell you anything of why Torres is coming?"

"No, only that he needed to speak with you privately," responded Elena, as she draped her arms around his neck affectionately, and turned her head to look out the window wistfully. "There's been a certain level of consternation in the Chamber of Representatives about the war on organized crime, and how long its' taken to continue it, resources allocated, et cetera."

"So I've heard," responded Ignacio, he said, nodding lightly, his head perking up as he heard voices in the front foyer, as the front door opened.

The sound of shoes squeaking on the hardwood floors soon reached their ears, and Salvatore Torres, older than both Ignacio and Elena, made an appearance in the drawing room's threshold, drawing the attention of the couple. Ignacio smiled lightly, "I was unaware I was going to have a guest this evening."

"I apologize if my timing was ill-mannered, but I believe that a discussion between the both of us, would be better conducted in a more relaxing environment," replied Torres, apologetically, as Manuel, the older butler, appeared at the threshold behind Torres.

"Red wine, please, Manuel, with three flutes," said Ignacio, the butler smiled and nodded lightly.

Elena sat up a little bit, but still leaned against Ignacio's shoulder, her head resting against it as Salvatore took a seat at Ignacio's insistence, Manuel quickly returned with three flutes and an ice bucket and a red wine from Ignacio's private stock. As the butler took his time pouring the glasses, Ingacio would address his Prime Minister with an inquisitive look. "I am assuming the reason you wanted to speak with me was of a delicate nature."

"Yes, Mr. President, I believed that this was a good time to discuss this ongoing campaign that you've been conducting against the Ardenasso Crime Syndicate and other organized criminal elements," responded Salvatore, as he nodded his thanks to Manuel as the latter handed him a glass of wine.

"Wouldn't this be a discussion more fit to be had with Fredrick?" asked Ignacio, speaking of Fredrick de Vera Cruz, the Interior Minister of Greater Colombia.

"I have already spoken with him, it seems as though your Office has been the one that has been giving tacit pushes for an offensive on organized crime," responded Salvatore, as he took a sip from his flute.

"Well, I would be lying if I hadn't been pushing for a heavier crackdown on criminal elements, in a longstanding goal of mine to see this country have safe streets and be free of mob bos-."

"Ignacio, let's cut the crap, I know that this just isn't about Presidential duties, this is personal as well," interrupted Salvatore, causing Ignacio to raise an eyebrow.

"If we're cutting the crap, then why is this an issue in the Chamber of Representatives, why are there individuals in the Chamber grumbling about misapplication of resources, and funds? I would expect fellow lawmakers and politicians who are part of a government, a system that is in place to uphold law and order in society. How is that a misapplication of resources?" retorted Ignacio, Elena burrowed her head into his shoulder as he spoke.

"Because they say you are overstepping your bounds into a jurisdiction meant for the Ministries, you may hand out the orders, but your increased involvement could become a high profile problem if people think you are being heavy handed," responded Salvatore, looking frustrated.

"Where did these concerns originate from?" asked Ignacio, looking at Salvatore intensely.

"There are a number of members from the Corporatist Alliance who started whipping up concerns about it, mostly privately, but they're pushing to go beyond the closed door sessions of the Chamber. I know you are the President that Greater Colombia needs right now, and I do not want to see your Presidency replaced by another, which is why I'm talking to you now," responded Salvatore.

The Corporatist Alliance, a small but powerful sect, was well known for pursuing the pillars of free trade and pursuing economic reforms that would benefit large businesses in the Chamber of Representatives, were also known affiliations with organized criminal elements in Gran Colombia. While these connections were largely unknown to the public, they were well known the Ignacio and members of the National Police of Colombia's Major Crimes Unit, and a select few other people. The offensive against organized crime was a bid to gather information and intelligence to establish the links between the two, but much of the evidence that had been garnered was still circumstantial. It was pretty obvious the Corporatist Alliance had an idea that the Interior Ministry and the President were trying to uncover information on their involvement with the attempted assassination of Ignacio right after his inauguration. Now this latest move to stir up Executive breaches of the Constitution was a way to either make Ignacio and security forces get off their tail, or force them into a public debate.

"The entire campaign is a legitimate use of resources, I don't see where their case gets traction."

"That you're personally sticking your nose into other parts of the government, Ignacio, if you set a precedent about doing that now, they can make the case that it sets a dangerous precedent for the future. A number of my own party want you to appear before the Chamber to discuss the entirety of your involvement and why you are pursuing it so passionately," responded Salvatore. "They want you to go public with it, Mr. President."

"I will go public with it, when I have a reason to do so," responded Ignacio, looking firmly at Salvatore after considering his answer for a moment.

"So this matter is personal to you?"

"Yes, but with good reason, it should be personal for the whole entire country."

"You can't apply that kind of logic, Igna-."

"The hell I can't, Salvatore, governments will always have a level of secrecy that needs to be kept. We cannot make everything transparent, I need you to stall this out and give me more time to conduct this," said Ignacio, his frustrated emotions finally getting the better of him. "This needs to happen, everything will be explained in due time, but I need your assistance to help me with keeping this bottled up in the Chamber."

"Ignacio, technically, you're asking me to break the constitution," responded Salvatore, in an almost awestruck manner.

"We're not breaking the rules, we're interpreting them."

"It's not your job to interpret the constitution, that is the National Cour-."

"Salvatore, just give me the benefit of the doubt, we need to handle this situation with the utmost delicacy, and I need you to help me here," responded Ignacio, in a cool, calculated yet firm voice.

Salvatore looked into the eyes of the President, seemingly searching for something, before heaving a sigh, and downing the last of his flute of red wine, "I can't keep the cork on the bottle too much longer, Ignacio, whatever you're doing, you need to do it fast." After he said that, Salvatore would excuse himself to go to the restroom.

Elena murmured into Ignacio's ear, as he heaved a sigh of his own, "How are you going to deal with this?"

"We're going to need to take a new approach, and we're going to need to take it really fast," he responded, as he looked over at his mobile phone sitting next to him, which he proceeded to pick up.

[TheShammySocialist]

Ignacio de Ardanza stepped up to the podium in the foyer of the Narino Palace with a grim look on his face, looking at the assembled national and international press awaiting what was said to be an "unprecedented" announcement from the Republic. News cameras flashed, as he arranged himself at the podium, a number of key advisers behind him; Prime Minister Salvatore Torres, General Carlos Jimenez of the Chiefs of the Defense Staff, Deputy Home Affairs Minister (and the President's fiance) Elena Vasquez, National Police of Colombia MCU Division Captain Raul Corbanza, Interior Minister Fredrick de la Vera Cruz, among others. Some of the ministers appeared to be grim, others confident and determined, Torres appeared to be dejected and stood near the back of the crowd of officials.

Ignacio cleared his throat, his eyes addressing the crowd, he had no cue cards, no teleprompter, no written speech, he looked around for a moment, before opening his mouth, "It has been nearly two years since this country gained independence, gained sovereignty to determine its own course it will take in the history of the world. It was in the same instant, at the time when we gained the right to determine our own fates, that this democratic country almost had its ideals taken out from underneath itself, with the attempted assassination of myself upon my inauguration. The attack left a number of people wounded, the perpetrator dead, and a key individual in the formation of this country, and a personal friend of my own, slain."

"It has been almost two years since that incident that left the steps outside the Palace of Justice, not three blocks from where we stand today, stained with blood, something that should never happen in any civilized country. Since that day, the National Police of Colombia have put in unprecedented hours of labor and work, to uncover this plot to its deepest reaches, to get to the very bottom of this assassination of a fellow [i]Libertadore[/i]. Every single citizen of this nation has a hand in building this nation, some put in more effort than others, but that does not detract on the fact that [i]everyone[/i] has an impact on the course of this state. Juan Ontiveros was instrumental in the formation of this country, and the government that now stands before you, that effort has never been forgotten, it is because of that effort and that memory of it that we pushed so hard to find who could have tried to snuff out that dream."

"Unfortunately, I had to look no further than the halls of the Chamber of Representatives, people elected democratically by the people, to find the perpetrators of this unnecessary and unprovoked violence that snuffed out a great life prematurely, and made the pillars of democracy quiver at the thought of its' unfound success. Last night, the efforts of our nations' justice system paid off, with a break in this case, which has forever and irrecoverably implicated fifteen members of the Chamber of Representatives with a plot by the Ardenasso Crime Syndicate in the attempted assassination of a government official, conspiracy of murder of an elected official, and treason. In the same operation, the three heads of the Ardenasso Crime Syndicate were collected, and are now facing similar charges, including the murders of all individuals and police forces who fell in the slew of operations that sought to bring them to justice."

"It is by these actions, against the protests of some," said Ignacio, pausing lightly, Salvatore Torres' grimace deepened as he continued. "I am invoking a Statute of Crisis, as per the President's delegated power in the constitution, and thereby dissolving the Chamber of Representatives for a period of two months, at the end of which, an election to re-elect a new legislative government will take place. The Judicial and Executive Branches will remain intact for the time being, with the current Cabinet of Ministers remaining intact to assure equal representation. In the stead of the legislative branch, the Departmental Governors will represent the people, to ensure that all voices are heard and government business continues. With this victory over this dark stain in our government, I understand that faith in the government has been shaken with this news, but I assure you, that our democracy will continue to survive this political crisis. Political infighting has always been an issue throughout history, but I assure you that this country will not slip into the waters of authoritarianism like so many have when faced with tough, needed political reforms."

"All I ask of you, the Colombian citizen, our brothers and sisters, friends, and family, is that we remember this moment in our history, remember that we overcame great deceit and deception to ensure that justice was seen through. Remember those that fought to ensure justice was seen through, this war against crime, and to uncover a truth that many of us probably wish not to hear, saw many good lives ripped apart. I can only marvel at the stalwart attitude that our security forces conduct themselves in, to ensure that justice is seen through, and I will never forget the sacrifices they make for every one of us, every day. Democracy will be restored to Colombian once the necessary reforms are made, it would be a travesty if they were not, for every officer that fell to see the principles of justice seen through would be dishonored. I leave you tonight with a message of the mourning for those that have been lost, but also the closing of a dark chapter in our political history book, one I refuse to see written word for word again."

"Please join me, in a national moment of silence, in memory of those who gave their lives to see justice through, to uncover the truth, to reveal this sordid chapter in our political history book," said Ignacio, bowing his head, lightly, as the room fell silent, many people doing the same. The room was utterly silent, as was many a household kitchen table across the nation. As Ignacio raised his head, he would smile grimly, but in a determined fashion. "Good night, Colombia, and God Bless."

[TheShammySocialist]

Despite the political conflict that had erupted and the dismissal of the Chamber of Representatives for a two month hiatus, pending further political reforms, the Colombian economy, despite a shaking up due to the political crisis, remained healthy. Growth would continue, with investments pouring into manufacturing and the energy sectors, as well as positive economic news involving the financial sector. With the national healthcare reforms finally being felt across the economy, employers were seeing extra profits due to the abrupt loss of having to deal with private medical insurance companies, which would further spur economic expansion. The demand for specialists and technicians was also giving boost to local community colleges, which were seeing an influx of enrollment in many technical disciplines. Enrollment in traditional universities was also on the rise, with educational standardization reforms continuing to take effect across the nation's schools, and national graduating grand point averages were climbing ever higher with better access to wide ranges of teaching methodology.

Further infrastructure investments were taking shape, with the government fully funding a new highway system through the interior of Colombia into Peru, via the Peruvian interior city of Iquitos, the highway would also be accompanied by a high-speed rail link. This would provide an all-weather, all-season road link with Peru, something Colombia desperately needed to help improve logistics between the mother country and her Peruvian Protectorate. The quick rise and fall of the Peruvian independence movement had also been a surprise to the Colombian Government, which had had to adjust accordingly, losing the budgetary surplus it had as it shifted funding around once again to help pay for local security forces, continued local services, and the foreign deployment of its military as well as a transitional governing council and Governor General. Rumors of the possibility of Peruvian incorporation into the Republic were also rampant, which were not entirely without good basis; the President and his Cabinet of Ministers had met a few occasions to discuss the "Peruvian Issue".

Unrelated to the external issues with the continued maintenance of Peru as a protectorate, funding towards Colombia's orbital resources had been hiked for the next fiscal year, and the Colombian Space Agency was testing a new multi-use space plane, a project born from the increased funding. Much of the information about the program continued to remain a secret, but the nation's launch facility near Barcelona continued to be in high use, with both civilian and military space launches numbering at least one to two every week from the facilities' multiple staging pads.

[TheShammySocialist]

With the continued maintenance the Federal Protectorate of Peru, and the strain that it was starting to burden the national budget with, it was decided through a consolation of Department Governors in lieu of the Chamber of Representatives being suspended, along with the Republic's Cabinet, to begin levying taxes on Peru. These funds would go directly to the Governor General and national transition council for administrative costs associated with ensuring basic departmental and municipal services were continued. To avoid accusations of siphoning funds to the Colombian state directly, the Governor General of Peru and his staff would set up a multi-use government website, dedicated to transparency over where Peruvian taxes were going to, broken down by department.

The extra funds would ensure that the Gran Colombian national government would continue to run a balanced budget without protectorate maintenance fees forcing other governmental programs to forgo important projects. Further development of economic relations between Colombia and its dependent territory would be further enhanced by the finally-completed "Iquitos Road", a highway that cut through the interior of Colombia into Peru, and linked into the Peruvian primary route system. The highway was also accompanied by a still-unifinished rail link, which was still hacking its way from both north and south, to link the two territories together and create the two countries' first direct rail link to one another. The highway link had already increased economic activity between Colombia and Peru by close to ten percent, and it had also decreased costs of logistical support missions for Colombia's military forces that served as peacekeepers in Peru under [b]PERFORCE[/b].

In other developments related to Peru, the Colombian Border and Security Division would reinforce operations with the new all-weather road link with Peru, and would enforce a customs station at the border north of Iquitos, and the Division took over local customs security operations at most international airports. These efforts would ensure tighter customs regulations were kept in the Peruvian Protectorate, and also help keep a standard level of customs security throughout the two well-connected territories. To clandestinely support Peruvian security forces operations against organized crime and potential insurgent groups operating in Peru after the short but vicious Peruvian Civil Conflict, the Colombian National Army, in conjunction with the Colombian Air Force, had also deployed further counter-insurgency assets to Peru in the form of the shadowy Task Force 332, as well as other Special Operations Forces, while members of the 66th Special Operations Group of the Colombian Air Force also began flying Super Tucano counter-insurgency aircraft for the Peruvian Air Guard.

Edited October 2, 2012 by TheShammySocialist

[TheShammySocialist]

With the increasing demands that were being put on the Colombian Armed Forces both east and west of the Panama Canal, it was decide in the highest echelons of command to organize a joint-forces projection force to ensure adequate support of both the interests of Colombia, as well as those of her allies and friends. Incorporating units from the National Army, Air Force, and Navy, the new command, known as the [i]Conjunto Fuerzas Armadas Colombianas Comando Proyección Global[/i] (Joint Colombian Armed Forces Global Projection Command) would ensure streamlined military response times to quick-moving events.

This would involve a reshuffling of projection assets throughout the Armed Forces, including the mothballing of three [i]Rousseau[/i]-class Nuclear Multimission/Attack Submarines and two Island-class Diesel Ultraquiets, which would pave the way for the impending completion of two new [i]Valiant[/i]-class Nuclear Attack Submarines and three SSGN-configured Mountain-class Ballistic Missile Submarines. Whilst these naval construction projects were underway at the Barcelona and Turbo Naval Arsenals, to ensure adequate coverage of both sides of the nation, two existing Mountain-class SSGNs would be put on permanent station in the Pacific, and one covering the Atlantic, with nuclear attack submarines also being envisioned for sustained usage as strategic attack weapons on top of their normal duties.

To increase strategic attack capability options for both the National Army and Air Force, strategic bomber forces would be placed on a heightened alert rotation, with the aircraft armed with supersonic cruise missiles at all times to ensure long range fast-attack capabilities, and flight personnel on call for twelve hour shifts. It would be requested of both the Hudson Bay Federation and the Chancellery of Cyrantia that bomber detachments be allowed to base at aerial facilities on a monthly rotation basis, along with associated maintenance, security, and support aircraft. This would be accompanied by a general shifting of strategic intercontinental, medium-range, and tactical mobile ballistic missile detachments around Colombia, as well as a request to the Cyrantians for permission to base a battalion of tactical ballistic missiles as battlefield support weaponry for the Far East Command.

In order to fulfill these new projection capabilities, the Colombian Armed Forces would turn to one of its most trusted weapons providers, Synergy Group, to develop a host of new weaponry to meet the expected mission requirements of the Global Projection Force. This would include redesigning Synergy's already tested and deployed M720 [i][i]Catequil[/i][/i] Tactical Ballistic Missile into a two-thousand kilometer hypersonic cruise missile variant, which was exclusively designed for land launch and high-evasion-requirement missions. Further hypersonic pinpoint strategic-attack capabilities would be undertaken by the UCM-156 [i]Mace II[/i], a surface-, air-, and subsurface-launched hypersonic cruise missile with about 500km range if fitted with associated booster equipment. Synergy would also begin the immediate deployment of its newest low-visibility air-to-ground and surface-to-surface strategic attack (and optional anti-ship) cruise missile, the [url="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CVS401_Perseus"]UMTM-401 [i]Whisper[/i][/url] for the strategic bombers and Colombian Navy, giving both forces a highly lethal, reduced-visibility, high-speed missile that could be used on a multimission basis.

Edited October 3, 2012 by TheShammySocialist

[TheShammySocialist]

After a series of political reforms that had adjusted the ability for politicians to influence economic activity and the creation of a special anti-corruption task force, elections were scheduled once again to fill the legislative branch and bring back the Chamber of Representatives. Although Colombia's economy and global standing were continuing to improve with the acquisition of both friends abroad, as well as economic and social reforms helping boost the markets, there appeared to be some polarity in both the politicians taking to the pulpits and the country in general. The suspension of the Chamber of Representatives and the handling of the transition period by President Ignacio de Ardanza, the Judiciary Branch, and Cabinet of Ministers was up to great debate, particularly the President's initial suspending of the Chamber altogether, which some political figures claimed to be unconstitutional. Although the populace still stood strongly behind the president-for-life, the political debate surrounding the Presidency being a voted-in dictator was more vocal then ever.

The handling of Colombia's foreign policy and trade relations, and the President's record on both, were some of the biggest debated topics, most agreed that the de Ardanza stood firm on decisiveness in ensuring the safety of Colombia, and the handling of the economy by his handpicked cabinet and the Eastern Venezuelan Nuclear Crisis was a high point in his administration. The allowing of the short-lived and once-again-fallen Peruvian Imperium to once again rear its head, then crash back down, with de Ardanza's blessing, was a glaring low point. Some pundits had chastised the executive branch for not being more decisive in handling the Protectorate, which was becoming a big part of the nation's economy, with cross-border commerce accruing large flows of economic activity. A number of political figures, including the ex-Prime Minister, Salvatore Torres, who was running at the head of the National Unity Party once again, questioned why the President did not authorize a full annexation, noting the increasingly close relationship Greater Colombia was building with its Peruvian Protectorate was one that should be capitalized upon.

As de Ardanza did not face election of any kind, the Office of the President of the Republic of Greater Colombia offered no official rebuttals to the criticism, although indirect shots were taken by the Executive Branches' various press secretaries, advisers, or aides at the criticism. It was a sign that there was a distinct rift between the "non-partisan" Executive Branch and the Chamber of Representatives, but it was clear that the two would have to get along to get any business done. Most of the attacks on the President were ignored by the populace, many of whom questioned why such attacks were being leveled in the first place, with many individuals focused on correcting the countries slight trade imbalances, ensuring continual economic prosperity, social reforms, and foreign policy.

Although Salvatore Torres was a favorite front runner for a re-election as Prime Minister, he was not without his popular opponents, as Torres was not generally looked favorably upon by the younger populace, who were becoming a much larger political force than before. Born from the ideals of the Republic itself, on a platform of limited government intervention in the economy, nationalistic and patriotic ideology, a more robust and proactive foreign policy, and further social reform overhauls, much of the younger voting populace was rallied behind the Colombia National Progressive Front, which fell a little farther right of the National Unity Party, who occupied the role as the conservative centrists. The [i]Colombiana Frente Nacional Progresista[/i] was expecting to put up a solid attack on Torres' incumbency, having stolen a number of center-right voters due to the massively active and vibrant group of young politicians and their dedicated staffers.

The Executive Branch would, of course, not voice support any of the six parties partaking in the election, with Ignacio de Ardanza only stating that he, "Was looking forward to see the legislature back to work and democratic ideals held so dear to the nation, restored after a series of 'needed' reforms." Other than its support for the elections as part of the democratic process and self-determination of the country, the Executive Branch would continue to concern itself with other matters, including the continued tweaking and adjustments to the national healthcare system, as well as seeing through curriculum and educational standards reforms ahead of the new school year. Of a lesser urgent matter, but still important were some defense developments that the Chiefs of Defense Staff were proposing, including further unmanned aerial vehicles and early warning systems.

[TheShammySocialist]

[center][IMG]http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ef/Coat_of_arms_of_Colombia.svg/200px-Coat_of_arms_of_Colombia.svg.png[/IMG]

[b]International Dispatch by the Government of the Republic of Greater Colombia[/center][/b]

With the conclusion of a set of vigorous negotiations between the Republic of Greater Colombia and Mexico, and the results of plebiscites, the Republic is honored to extend sovereignty over the territories of Guyana and Trinidad. Both of these territories have an extensive past and relationship with us as neighbors, being destinations for commerce and sharing similar cultural and historical ties. In recognition of their self-determination vote that favorably recognized our country as protectors of their citizens and sovereign government, both will be granted Statehood within the Republic, granted the same rights as the existing states of Colombia and Venezuela.

Citizens of Trinidad and Guyana will both be granted the right to vote in national, state, and municipal elections, dispatch their own representatives to the Chamber of Representatives, and State Governors to the Senate of Governors. To assist in their integration with the rest of Greater Colombia, a team comprising members of the Ministry of Home Affairs, the newly reorganized Ministry of Interstate Commerce and International Trade is currently be formulated to be dispatched to work with regional and community leaders on integrating the two territories into the rest of the nation. This will ensure the smooth transition of both territories into the country, as well as their respective economies, and integrate them into the current social programs currently in use with the rest of Colombia.

On another note, the Republic also publicly acknowledges the existence of the Bogota Concordant, the long-needed treaty between Colombia and Mexico designed to strengthen and formalize relations between Latin America's foremost nations. As part of the Concordant, Colombia has placed Mexico as a preferential trading partner, and acknowledges the sovereignty of Mexico's current territorial and geographic claims. In conjunction with this official international announcement, Colombia also officially recognizes the waters around and south of the Leeward Antilles to the Colombian/Venezuelan as part of its territorial waters, as per standard practice with Archipelagic Waters, and officially claims these waters as part of the "Leeward Antilles Archipelagic Zone. All international commercial traffic is gladly welcome to pass through these waters, naval vessels and submarines operating in these waters must make radio notification with the Colombian Coast Guard for entry.

[TheShammySocialist]

With Greater Colombia going to the polls for the first time in almost two and a half years, there was much fanfare and eleventh hour campaign trail slogging as Election Day came to the fore. As Election Days were deemed a national holiday, many stores shut down, government ministries were closed, and many people spent the time with friends and family after they voted. As was now a "tradition" in the Republic, the President was to cast the first ballot in the elections, which would touch off the rest of the election, and at six in the morning, Ignacio de Ardanza cast his ballot in Caracas to kick off the elections. A short speech would follow up the President's casting of the ballot, commenting on the importance of democracy in the country and the world, as well as values including equality, free speech, and other freedoms, and the importance of the reformation and resurgence of Colombia's Chamber of Representatives.

As the elections got under way, and the President retired to his hacienda overlooking Caracas, and would read some of the last minute, eleventh hour funding allocations pushed through by the Executive Branch before the Chamber took over legislative duties again. The list was rather large, but it was something that had been deemed as "necessary" by Ignacio's trusted Chief of the General Defense Staff, General Carlos Jimenez.

First on the list was an upgrade and expansion of the existing Waypoint[sup]TM[/sup] high-power navigational system, which was used by the Colombian Coast Guard to indicate navigational hazards, as well as guide rescue aircraft, helicopters, and ships in rough weather when GPS systems might have too much interference. This would include the stationing of fixed navigational buoys in various places offshore, as well as almost quintupling the number of emission systems, as well as increasing signal strength through the use of frequency modulation and larger antennae. The system would be a perfect augmentation to the current global positioning system already in use by the Colombian Coast Guard, and would be accessible by all vessels and aircraft, ensuring their safety in Colombian waters. Mobile emission vehicle-based stations were also kept in storage to replace damaged or under-maintenance units, which would ensure that the navigational aids would never truly go down.

To increase communication abilities for the Colombian Armed Forces, as well as civilians and constabulary forces in the rugged terrain of Greater Colombia, and its dependent state, Peru, the National Army, in conjunction with the Air Force and Synergy Aerospace, had also begun the development of High-Altitude Airship. This blimp-like vehicle is able to maintain a quasi-geostationary orbit above the Earth, above the jet stream, where it could keep delivering persistent station-keeping. An unmanned aerial vehicle, the new UAVHAAS-1 [i]Feather[/i] Class of vehicles had multiple payload abilities, including communications relay, navigational relay equipment, or surveillance gear, including carrying optical or synthetic aperture radar imaging equipment. Utilizing solar power, the [i]Feather[/i]-class would have the ability to stay aloft for thirty days, and was fully compatible with military-grade communications equipment, including full encryption abilities. The high-altitude blimp would also be able to take advantage of a [i]Little Brother[/i] towed radar decoy system, and had standard chaff and flare countermeasures against missile threats, on top of being constructed from radar-absorbent composites.

In an effort to increase the nations' missile defense capabilities, Jimenez had been under pressure from the Air Force to put together standard, continuous, on-station look-down radar through scanned arrays. To help Colombia meet these requirements, Jimenez had been in constant contact with Aguila de Colombia, which proposed a modification to its' existing low-observable [i]Whisper[/i] Unmanned Aerial Surveillance Vehicle, already in use providing SAR imaging and electroptical reconnaissance equipment to ground forces. The [i]Whisper[/i] had already proven to be a flexible platform, indicated by its modifications that created the [i]Hunter[/i], in use as a light attack Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicle. To assist the Air Force in its quest to further increase its capabilities, Aguila de Colombia began the production of modular [i]Whisper[/i] UAVs, with the ability to switch out payloads to the a look-down phased array radar, and further endurance upgrades, allowing the aircraft to remain on station for up to, at times, sixteen hours.

Further upgrades that were going to the military included the fitting of quad-pack CIWS turrets on most larger vessels (cruisers and larger), which would include a tactical high energy laser that could be used against incoming missiles. Already in service with static aerial defense turrets in the country, the fitting of such weaponry on larger vessels would provide another tool in defense of the fleet.

Edited October 12, 2012 by TheShammySocialist

[Kankou]

In what was basically smuggling, a stream of parts and scientists came from Quebec to Colombia. Armed with expertise, funding, and blueprints, they set on helping the Colombians get their first sun on earth.

The type of fusion plant that Quebec was providing was a D-D Superconducting Tokamak. While the D-D fusion reactor by itself is less efficient based on a size to productivity when compared to other methods such as D-T, D-He3, and p-B11, and there is the cost of infrastructure which is much higher due to the various components needed for a tokamak as opposed to inertial (laser) containment, it still provides advantages. D-D has been chosen both for better control over the plasma and for being the reactor type which produces the least amount of neutrons. Given the potential disasters that a fusion reactor can cause (comparative to the worst case fission power plant disasters), safety was on the mind of the Quebecers, and this contributed to the choosing of the D-D process. In addition, the superconductors needed for a D-D plant meant that Colombia could dramatically increase the efficiency of the power grid, which is needed in a large and highly populated country such as Quebec.

As the fusion plant was being built, the Quebec scientists would teach their Colombian counterparts all that was needed to replicate a reactor and also actions needed to take in case of trouble. The Quebecers would remain for at least five years in order to help their southern colleagues become fully independent. In the meantime, publicly everything would be announced as being of Colombian origins.

[TheShammySocialist]

The Quebecois campaign to secretly provide the Republic with fusion power were not only disguised on the providers' end, but on the beneficiaries' end as well; only the highest echelons of the government, chiefly the Executive Branch, were aware of the technological exchange. By a written, non-electronic Classified Executive Order, that had only been passed a day in advance of the elections, the President had essentially usurped personal authority to control and disseminate information over what was known as [b]Project [/b][b]Starburst[/b]. With the executive order, the president created a National Intelligence and Security Directorate task force to control information flow and create an elaborate cover story for the project. With help from the Ministry of Interstate Commerce and International Trade, the NISD task force essentially created a completely new, government-funded (of course through private channels) and "privately-owned" company, Orinoco Nuclear Energy Solutions, whose ranks would be filled with the Quebecois scientists, who would act as contract foreman for Colombian nuclear scientists, the leaders of whom were informed (after being vetted) about their identity, and sworn to state secrecy.

The Orinoco Nuclear Energy Solutions Company would have a complete incorporation history, along with elaborate cover stories for the personnel involved with the fusion power project, the first plant would be built in Puerto Gaitan, east of Bogota. Used to working under secure and classified conditions, scientists involved with the nuclear weapons arm of the San Fernando Atomic Labs would be brought in to assist the Quebecois scientists and personnel working on the project. A slow, but steady cover story developed in the press of a new breakthrough by elements of San Fernando Atomic Labs into nuclear fusion would be brought to the fore, through a steady and controlled systematic leak of stories to the press. Components destined for the nuclear fusion plant would be handled in a step-by-step process, being loaded and offloaded onto multiple transport vehicles at access-controlled shipping yards along their route, breaking up any chain of origin for the parts, which would be mixed with domestically-built components for the final ride to the construction site.

As the first steps were being taken towards Colombia gaining nuclear fusion energy, the results for the election were coming in... and the elections' outcome would certainly influence Colombia's choice of path...

[TheShammySocialist]

"And what an honored closing guest we have on [i]Focus National[/i] this morning, Miss Elena Vasquez, our Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, who, I understand, will be soon Mrs. de Ardanza?" said Alejandro Cartegna, the handsome and flashy host of Greater Colombia's most prominent televised political discussion program.

"That's right, Alejandro," responded Elena Vasquez, smiling warmly at him. "Just another two weeks to go."

"Coming down to the wire there, I must say, its been a rather interesting night to watch the election results come in, I think this is my fifth cup of coffee this morning," Alejandro commented, taking a sip from a steam cup next to him, before turning back to the future First Lady. "Now, we've heard a lot of differing opinions about the election this morning from our other guests, as a prominent member of the Executive Branch, and of course, the fiance to the President, you and your branch of the government have a certain view of last night's surprise results."

"Well, of course, I cannot divulge every opinion we have, nor do I know every opinion we have, but let me first reiterate that the President, and the Cabinet of Ministers, are all pleased to see the high voter turnout, as well as the legislative branch finally coming back into existence. It was vital that the President only suspend the Chamber of Representatives for eight weeks, to ensure a quick transition back to representative democracy, and as we've said time and time again. This is a nation for the people and by the people, while we may have a strong central government, it falls on the people to determine who serves in it, and who shapes the decision-making process. Personally, though, Alejandro, I, for one, was rather surprised by the upset that Lupe de Santa Anna, and her Colombian National Progressive Front was able pull off," replied Elena, with a polite smile, her hands making gestures to accentuate her points, and referring to the relatively young leader of the right-wing political party.

"I think we all were, and although the Progressives do not have a simple majority, there do have the alliance with the National Party of Patriots, which will certainly give them a coalition big enough to control the Chamber," nodded Alejandro, as he looked interestedly at Elena.

"Well, I think what the vote is saying, is that although the National Unity Party remains a force to be reckoned with, it leveled a lot of criticism on the Executive Branch for having the election altogether, and at the judiciary for going along with it. I don't think that sat well with voters, we weren't voting on whether or not to impeach the members of the Executive Branch, we all went to the polls last night to settle who would best complement Colombia as a nation, right now, and represent it the best. The Colombian National Progressive Front is very young, there's a lot of younger individuals in the party, its energetic, its vibrant, I, myself, visited one of their campaign regional headquarters two evenings ago, and the atmosphere was electric, it draws voters attentions," replied Elena, looking at Alejandro.

"Do you see their projected win last night as a sign of shift of priorities for Colombian voters?"

"Yes and no, the Colombian National Progressive Front, from what I have seen, is a party that builds additions onto the proverbial political house, they campaign platform is different from the National Unity Party in that it looks to temper some government spending, but in areas where it could be clipped back a bit. Their strides to build on social reforms and economic work are certainly promising, I believe they are in-tune with the Colombia of today, quite frankly, they want to build on the successes of others. That doesn't mean they'll take credit for earlier strides, but I believe that our nation's development is slowly moving to another stage, if you follow me? And the conservatives, like the National Progressive Front, understand that, and their win last night is a show that they understand that we are moving to a different developmental stage as a nation."

Alejandro clasped his hands together, and nodded, "I've heard a lot of similar constructive opinions that mirror those that you have on this, it is rather clear that the National Progressive Front certainly seems to be on the same, wavelength, I suppose you'd say? What do you think of their push for a more proactive foreign policy stance, in contrast to Colombia's conservative and calculated approach?"

"Conservative approach?" responded Elena, looking questioningly at Alejandro.

"Well, a number of individuals on both sides of the political line-in-the-sand have noted that Colombia's foreign policy to date, including during the years of National Unity Party majority, seemed to lack a certain 'aggressive' spark," said Alejandro, clarifying his point.

"You mean, the doubts that some have placed on Colombia's non-aligned status with another major power?" nodded Elena, before taking a sip from a glass of water. "I wouldn't say that Colombia's current status as unaligned with another major power makes our foreign policy conservative, or even go so far as to say, 'without teeth'. The Republic continues to remain unaligned with major powers due to the complexities of the geopolitical map, while we share friendly relations with Latin America, we still have reservations about the intentions of many powers in North and South America. North America has become a battlefield due to internal strife and inability to cope with intercontinental interventions in the area. The issue remains that North America has fallen under the sphere of influence or interests of other continents and their powers, and if they sense anything that contravenes that interest, it is wiped out or isolated."

"Would you say that the government remains wary of such a situation developing in South America?"

"Very much so, we absolutely cannot have that sort of situation going on, on this continent, it only precludes a vicious cycle, and to have our government align itself with another major power, can draw their interests into this continent, indirectly or directly. Our country won't become a means to an end, and it stands ready to defend the sovereign interests of both our state, and those of Latin America," answered Elena, in a firm voice.

"What is your opinion on the National Progressive Front's take on a more 'proactive' foreign policy stance?" asked Alejandro, looking hard at the President's consort.

"Well, the Front has certainly said that it will challenge the seemingly 'status quo' that apparently is Colombia's foreign policy," said Elena. "Our country is quickly becoming a major actor in regional affairs, and possibly global ones as well, we have intercontinental allies and friends. We already have a proactive stance in ensuring that our overseas interests and friends are protected, especially with Cyrantia, who we have developed a close working relationship with. I do not believe that our country should go out of its way to antagonize others, but I can agree with the National Progressives that a more active diplomatic strategy, instead of a reactive one, essentially heading off threats or aligning with ideologically or similarly-interested states is an argument that isn't without its' merits."

"Do you expect the National Progressives to push Colombia towards a more Hawkish approach to foreign policy?"

"It is very possible that they could, yes, our government, while apparently 'conservative' in its foreign policy, is definitely not isolationist, so further moves towards activity amongst the global community could be made," replied Elena.

"I'm sure only time will tell," chuckled Alejandro, softly, before turning to face the camera. "We'll take a break, then we'll come back and continue our chat with Deputy Minister of Home Affairs Elena Vasquez on her take on last night's election. You're watching [i]Focus National[/i].

Edited October 10, 2012 by TheShammySocialist

[TheShammySocialist]

As the Chamber of Representatives readied for their first day back at work, with a new coalition government, the General Defense Staff (reformed and renamed from the Chiefs of the Defense Staff) would submit a detailed report of allocated funding to the Office of the President, by way of General Carlos Jimenez, who tentatively approved of the measures. The allocated funding would go to a series of new or extended serial production programs. Detailed in the report was a slew of notes on exchanges with Aguila de Colombia, Synergy Group's Aerospace Division, and contracts being handed out to the government-run Barcelona Naval Arsenal and Shipyard, which the General Defense Staff were given the final go-ahead by the President to continue the process.

The newest development in the defense community was Aguila de Colombia's [url="http://s1192.beta.photobucket.com/user/VictorDeltaRomeo/media/21stf23_zps870c2bb1.jpg.html?sort=3&o=1"]XB-2 [i]Osprey[/i][/url] Tactical Stealth Bomber, a development which could ultimately replace the F-15SE [i]Silent Eagle[/i] squadrons with a larger, more tactically-capable aircraft. The [i]Osprey[/i] was built with similar radar and infrared-reducing features as Colombia's F-1 [i]Halcon[/i], in a collusion with Synergy Aerospace. Utilizing composite material along with a sleek profile to reduce radar cross section, and a strengthening triangular internal design to the wing structure, the aircraft, while large, was still rather maneuverable and was speedy, able to supercruise at Mach 1.85, and reach a maximum of Mach 2.5 for fast tactical attack missions. Many in the aviation industry saw the aircraft as the successive, albeit relatively larger, design to the failed United States' YF-23 [i]Black Widow [/i]Project, even though its stealth performance was ahead of that aircraft, having a similar radar cross section as an F-22 [i]Raptor[/i].

With sensors and electronics integrated into the skin of the aircraft, the experimental bomber could utilize a vast array of radar canceling, jamming, and modulation systems to confuse radar returns, as well as utilize its electronics package to perform cyber attacks when possible, and heat tiles surrounding the engine exhausts and the interior of the afterburners could sap the heat to reduce infrared signature. Armed with microwave emission and a direct energy weapon, which could be powered utilizing a thermal power regeneration system from the aircraft's large engines, the [i]Osprey[/i] could be used as a missile truck for fighter forces, or against other tactical aircraft. Standard load for the [i]Osprey[/i] was six short range air-to-air infrared or laser-beam riding area-blast effect missiles with submunitions. On top of this, the aircraft was rated for up to thirty-thousand pounds of internally and externally-mounted munitions if external non-stealth weapons pylons were fitted and used.

It was the decision of the General Defense Staff to eliminate up to half of the F-15SE Squadrons and replace them with the new [i]Ospreys, [/i]which would see a capability increase in both payload size and penetration capabilities of the tactical strike aircraft units. The [i]Ospreys[/i] could also be used for strategic attacks, able to rig four cruise missiles on dual external non-stealth pylons, which gave the aircraft a tremendous range advantage against contemporary tactical strike aircraft. Crew size for the aircraft was pegged at two, and the aircraft was fully integration friendly with the current guidance and tactical aerial support systems in use by the Colombian Armed Forces.

In an effort to further upgrade the F-1 [i]Halcon[/i], an improvement introduced to the already advanced sixth-generation fighter would be one that had been included in the [i]Osprey[/i], a thermal regeneration system to provide needed power for the aircraft's direct energy and microwave emission systems. The thermal regeneration system would be utilized as a heat-sapping system, collecting thermal exhaust in the rear of the aircraft through a series of vents, which would allow the aircraft to more efficiently power its caseless gun magazine that needed to be kept at a steady cool temperature to avoid jamming and ammunition cartridge separation.

Another improvement to the [i]Halcon[/i] would include a system of laser target painting systems, located in a series of small, fuselage-based modules, which could track aircraft at five kilometers, at any angle. The laser target painters were included on the top and underside on the four compass points of the aircraft, and could track three targets simultaneously, depending on the angle. The target painters could provide guidance for laser-beam riding area-blast effect missiles, which could be outfitted on the [i]Halcon[/i] in place of standard infrared missiles, and although were very short ranged, the missile was super-maneuverable, and following the target painters, could be guided in at three-hundred-and-sixty-degrees at targets behind, beside, below, above, or directly in front the aircraft. Through secure data uplinks, the target painters could also assist active-radar guidance missiles from missile trucks to their targets, if they were close enough to the engaged fighter providing the data. To distinguish friend from foe, a series of IFF Laser Beacons were placed at all compass points of Colombian military aircraft.

With the series of upgrades, which was transferable to all existing [i]Halcons[/i], any upgraded existing or produced [i]Halcon[/i] would be designated Variant F-1B. Another variant that was to upgrade a group of five squadrons, would be the F-1C, an interceptor version of the [i]Halcon[/i] with an increased speed up to Mach 3, but with a decreased payload and increased infrared signature. The F-1C would compensate with increased power to its microwave emission and direct energy weaponry, as well as being able to carry large numbers of long-range air-to-air missiles and large arrays of decoys systems, its more powerful engines could propel the aircraft to higher intereception vectors faster, and its maneuverability against the F-1A and B variants was of note.

The last item of note on the list of important business for the President would be the increased procurement of the Navy's unmanned underwater reconnaissance submersible, which was already used on board a number of ships that could launch the vessel. With a near silent and high-endurance air independent propulsion system, an ability to dive deeper than any submarine in the fleet, and a suite of electronic and blue-green laser detection systems, the submersible was ideal for tracking and trailing enemy submarines and vessels off Colombia's coastline, and providing reconnaissance to deployed battle groups. The new serial production was intended to provide coastal stations with a large number of the relatively cheap-to-manufacture vessel, which had standard decoys and countermeasures but no offensive weaponry, not that it needed it anyways, its weapon was its detection systems, which were dangerous enough to any submariner.

Edited October 13, 2012 by TheShammySocialist

[TheShammySocialist]

With the Chamber of Representatives finally back in session with Ignacio de Ardanza opening the 2nd Congress of the Chamber of Representatives with a rousing speech, the first order of business was legislation surrounding extending infrastructure and social reform funding for the two newest states of Greater Colombia, Guyana and Trinidad. Both countries had voted in the general elections, and were being represented for the first time in the Chamber of Representatives. The inclusion of the two states into Greater Colombia had already sparked a slew of social reforms in the two new territories, which had been living under Mexican protection, and most social programs were limited during that time. The appropriation of funding for social reforms (that were already in place in Colombia and Venezuela) was a formality, as the two states were sovereign states under the Greater Colombian flag, and were expected to have the same rights to social programs as their new brethren.

Of most concern was the need for infrastructure between both states, as only one all-weather road between Guyana and Greater Colombia existed, no railroads between the two states existed, and the all-weather road was in rough shape, and needed funding for widening and improvement. To exacerbate this, the existing road, International Highway 12 (now known as Interstate 36), which hooked up Interstate 10 with the Guyanese city of Anna Regina, would be given improvements to its existing infrastructure. A new Highway, Interstate 38, which would strike out from Ciudad Guayana, would cut directly into Delta Amacuro and then run along the Venezuelan and Guyanese coast to Anna Regina, providing an all-weather route for the multitude of poorly-connected coastal towns and villages. A new double-track rail link that would run into Georgetown would run alongside Interstate 36, to provide rail passenger and cargo services to the new state.

Similarly, ferry connections between Trinidad and the mainland were planned, including the use of high speed car and passenger ferries which would run from Guiria on the mainland to Port-of-Spain and San Fernando on Trinidad. There was some talk of building a land link between the offshore island and the mainland, but for the moment, air and ferry services would provide transportation services for the island. In an effort to bolster defenses in the two new states, Guyana would see the deployment of one light infantry and another regular infantry division, along with mobile strategic air defense units, while Trinidad would be the garrison of Greater Colombia's 4th Marine Division, along with a slew of independent support units including anti-ship missile batteries and strategic air defense units.

Also tacked onto infrastructure funding would be the building or improvement of two naval bases to bolster the Colombian Navy's presence, and provide some main Atlantic bases that were not hindered by outlying islands, and offered direct access to the Atlantic. One of these bases would be at Port-of-Spain, with the capacity to handle an entire carrier battlegroup, while the second would be inland, on the Essequibo River in Guyana. An ambitious dredging plan would help widen the channel for what would become Joint Forces Base Piar, where two carrier battlegroups and associated support vessels could find shelter at the city of Bartica at a series of docks and anchorages. Bartica would also host fleet repair and rearmament facilities that could handle large numbers of ships and provide the Colombian Navy with its largest base on the Atlantic side without being hindered by having to move through the Caribbean Sea to reach open ocean.