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La Nueva Libertadores


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[font=arial,helvetica,sans-serif][size=3][size=4]"Thank you all for gathering today with me," said General Carlos Jimenez, as he looked around the group of old and new faces at the Colombian Armed Forces Headquarters west of Villavicencio. The subterranean headquarters was the strategic headquarters for the entirety of the Armed Forces, it was located in a box canyon, accessible by car and an underground tram system from the Closed Town of San Martin. The headquarters was well disguised against aerial reconnaissance, it was an expansive facility with multiple underground layers that included living facilities and command and control, intelligence dissemination, and even a small hospital facility for personnel based there. "Thank you, Mr. President, also, for joining us today," he added, with a nod towards his patron, Ignacio de Ardanza.[/size][/size][/font]

"My pleasure," nodded Ignacio, looking around the other compatriots.

"I have also had not the opportunity to meet you officially, Prime Minister de Santa Anna," nodded Jimenez, nodding towards the new Prime Minister, the Colombian National Progressive Front politicians that had defied the odds and become the new Prime Minister with a coalition government. "Its a pleasure to have you here."

"I consider it an honor," responded Lupe, curtly, with a smile on her face, as she looked over at the new Defense Minister, Progressive Front politician, and former soldier, Rafael Paez.

"I must say I am impressed by the facilities here," commented the latter, as he looked around the command center, personnel seeming to be relaxed as they monitored the calm situation about the country. "Must get busy here when things get hot."

"Indeed," commented Jimenez, wistfully, as he smiled, and looked around the table after the small commentary by the new Defense Minister. He looked down at the map and organization table, which should currently force deployments about the entire country, ground units, fleets, aircraft; the table was a high-definition liquid-crystal display table top. The detail was almost unparalleled, and it could become a three-dimensional display with the appropriate optical equipment for the viewers of the table. "For those of you joining us here for the first time, let me offer you the first official welcome to Colombian Armed Forces Central Command, with the new acquisitions of territory to Greater Colombia, with the inclusion of Trinidad and Guyana into our country, it has been the opinion of the General Defense Staff that our military be expanded to reflect our larger status and to provide adequate coverage for our armed forces."

"What kind of numbers did the General Defense Staff come up with, General?" asked de Santa Anna, looking down at the map table, then back up at Jimenez.

"Currently, that National Army is looking around a strength increase of twenty divisions," responded Jimenez, looking over at the Prime Minister, then at Paez.

"Twenty divisions?" said Paez, with widened eyes. "That would be almost an increase of thirty-three percent!" he exclaimed, looking at Jimenez with an almost incredulous look on his face.

"But not completely out of order, Minister Paez, what with our continued and long lasting commitment to the defense of Peru, along with the rough terrain of Guyana and the increase in needed brown water capabilities," responded Jimenez, in a calm voice as he addressed him.

"It is my understanding that Peru already saps close to ten divisions worth of strength for continued security operations, what with units being rotated every six months or so, and units that are permanently assigned to the protectorate," interjected Ignacio, as he leaned forward on the table.

"Quite right, Mr. President, and the selection of new units that would be raised, underlines what kind of forces we would be adding to the military," said Jimenez, before bringing up a list of new units that would be added to the National Army. The list included two airborne divisions, two (air) cavalry divisions, three armored cavalry divisions, five infantry divisions, six light (infantry) divisions, and four marine divisions, along with five independent armored cavalry regiments. "The list before you underscores our point, we need more light infantry units to cope with an increased need of dealing with rough terrain. The inclusion of four more marine divisions to our force, would also increase capabilities in brown water navy operations, which our marines are well trained in. That was a point that you underscored when you requested having more amphibious capabilities, Minister Paez, we needed more amphibious units and training, this is a response to that request."

"I see," responded Paez, lightly, as he looked over the list and detailed compositions of the unit by selecting the unit on the touch screen and looking over them. "I didn't expect you to tack on a wholesale increase of forces though."

"These are just plans, Minister, an ideal situation."

"The President certainly didn't lie when he said you were very proactive, General," responded de Santa Anna, in a lighthearted and gentle tone.

"I'll take that as a compliment, sir," nodded Jimenez, giving Ignacio a grin as he looked over the map again. "Now, your office gave me a request as well, that was shared with the President, about further increasing amphibious capabilities that your office has noted as being 'lackluster'."

"Not so much 'lackluster', as it is, well, might I say 'underdeveloped, General," responded Paez, looking over at Jimenez.

"Which is why Admiral Morales has been in constant contact with the Naval Arsenals of Cartagena and Maraicaibo to work on this gap in our capabilities," responded Jimenez, as he brought up a new screen that featured a series of design plans and force deployments. "The shipyards of the nation are already in the process of building a series of thirteen new surface vessels, and five new submarines, the former includes five new corvettes, five new frigates, along with a single cruiser, an arsenal ship, and an amphibious assault vessel. Cartagena and Maraicaibo are the only two shipyards available to be used right now, and procurement is already in process."

"So what kind of procurement are we talking about, General?"

"Including the three [url="http://bemil.chosun.com/nbrd/data/10044/upfile/201207/20120704121848_2.jpg"]Afloat Forward Staging Bases[/url] that are already being fit out and converted from civilian vessels? The Maraicaibo Shipyard is in the process of delivering six [url="http://i1192.photobucket.com/albums/aa325/VictorDeltaRomeo/JSSColombia_zps71dd4656.png"][i]Freedom[/i]-class Joint Support Ships[/url], which are a flexible addition to our navy, able to perform a multitude of tasks including amphibious capabilities along with replenishment and resupply capabilities. The Joint Support Ships can also serve as command and/or hospital ships in brown water and littoral operations."

"Rather large vessels, if I should say so myself," commented Paez, looking down at the design as it came up, along with visual demonstrations of the ships' capabilities and its facilities and layout.

"They are not as capable as our amphibious transport docks, and they are certainly not able to defend themselves alone against any concerted anti-ship attack, but they provide us with additional amphibious platforms that can operate in littoral zones. Cartagena Naval Arsenal will be creating the last of our vessels, which include eight [url="http://s1192.beta.photobucket.com/user/VictorDeltaRomeo/media/RicaurteRCSClass_zps39eb828e.png.html?sort=3&o=0"][i]Ricaurte[/i]-class Landing Ship Tank[/url]. The vessel shown has pontoons for the makings of a ship-to-shore dock on it, and these are fitted on optionally depending on the mission," said Jimenez, as they looked over the design. "They are also armored against small arms and light cannon fire, and can independently operate in cross-ocean missions."

"What about smaller craft?" asked Ignacio, looking at Jimenez. "As I read in the report, there was a focus on smaller craft that were needed to add further capabilities to existing units."

"That is very true, Mr. President, that is why Cartagena is also responsible for the construction of forty [url="http://s1192.beta.photobucket.com/user/VictorDeltaRomeo/media/LCU3000C_zps61a14bfe.png.html?sort=3&o=1"]LCU-3000C Utility Landing Craft[/url], these LCUs are independently operational from other vessels. They can be field-fitted with RCS Reduction screen, but they also have multiple weapons mounts, and can be used as mortar and rocket platforms and are armored against small arms fire. Ten will be kept on active reserve, and available to loan to government ministries who may need them for whatever reason. A further redesign is the newly armored [url="http://s1192.beta.photobucket.com/user/VictorDeltaRomeo/media/LCM-9C_zps1b87275a.png.html?sort=3&o=2"]LCM-9C Landing Craft[/url], which can operate from all well-decked amphibious vessels at extended ranges, utilizing pumpjet propulsion to move at a fast rate. It is also able to operate with multiple weapons mounts in riverine operations, providing mortar fire and are fitted for stabilized Hellfire or TOW missiles, along with multiple machineguns," said Jimenez, as he brought up various artistic and shipwright specifications on what could be carried for armament. "On top of these production runs, Cartagena is still fitting out the last of twelve [url="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zubr_class_LCAC"]LCAC-1050-class Landing Craft Air Cushions[/url], which will provide our forces with a large and fast and mobile shore-to-shore or ship-to-shore transport."

"The last part of my report detailed needed escort for amphibious craft," piped up Paez, looking altogether impressed with Jimenez's presentation. "And what about our newest addition to the anti-ship armament of our flotillas?"

"Which is why we are modifying existing Combat Boat 90s with extra ballistic protection, as well as Hellfire and MANPADS missile mounts alongside their traditional armament, ones that are fitted with extra weapons mounts will have less of a transport capability. But on the other hand, they can provide significant firepower against ground and rotary-wing threats. The modified vessels will be known as Gunboat 90s, for lack of a better option," chuckled Jimenez, as he looked over at Paez. "Currently, the Spearfish Missile Torpedo is currently in early serial production phases, as the weapon is compatible with all of our vertical launch systems, it should not take long to configure them completely into the [i]Illapas [/i]system. On that note, I believe there is also something else of importance from your report that needs to be taken stock of, which I believe I spoke with you about, Mr. President."

"Navy transfer?"

"Indeed, Mr. Paez stated, and after considering the implications, I think that he is correct, in stating that our main theatre of naval operations should be weighted towards the Atlantic. Let's not kid ourselves, Tianxia has claimed the Pacific Ocean as its backyard pool, and with most of our offshore interests being the defense of our most populous coastline, I believe that leaving one carrier and one amphibious assault vessel, along with attendant surface and submarine forces in the Pacific is our best disposition. That will weight our Navy heavily in one theatre, which allows us to concentrate our vessels and utilize them in a large maritime force if needed," said Jimenez, looking over at the President.

"With this focus on the navy, and the navy receiving so much new craft, along with an exponential increase in the Marine Corps, I suggest that you perform a series of rigorous training exercises, to put these new vessels through the motions," responded Ignacio, leaning over the table, as Jimenez made a motion on the map table that relocated the Pacific Fleet to the Atlantic, which then brought up a list of vessels that would be based in the Atlantic, which also included large numbers of auxiliary vessels. The movement of the vessels was a bit of a gambit, but Paez's suggestion was one that was based on good reckoning, it would allow for a concentration of the Navy in one theatre, and as the Atlantic [i]was[/i] Greater Colombia's most important body of water, it made sense...

Edited by TheShammySocialist
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As part of a new promise of high-profile renewals of social reforms made to the country, the new Colombian National Progressive Front-dominated legislature was quick to pass a revitalization of Greater Colombia's countrywide Civil Defense Program. With industrial targets mixed in with cities and towns across the nation, it was very possible that, in the unlikely event of a series of strategic attacks, civilians would be in the line of fire at both factories and in their homes. To this end, the legislature was quick to fund efforts to completely overhaul the Civil Defense Force, which was under the supervision of the Ministry of the Interior, and had official liaison with the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Defense.

To help warn citizens of ongoing or impending attacks to cities and towns, Civil Defense offices and posts in major cities would begin to receive variable-pitch sirens, which could run from electricity or from hand crank operations in the event of a power outage. Depending on the pitch of the siren heard, which citizens were given pamphlets and audio cues to listen for when the sirens went off. The different pitches could determine what type of attack was incoming, or to give an all clear notice, pitches for air raids, chemical, biological, industrial emergencies, and nuclear warnings were all developed. Although many major cities already had existing fallout shelters, additional funding was made available for further shelters in public buildings in most cities.

In addition, many of Caracas' subway stations were to undergo a half-a-year structural refit to strengthen their integrity against aerial munitions, and provide air raid shelters against aerial or artillery bombardment. Further funding would be pushed for communal remineralization reverse-osmosis water filtration systems with in all cities, which would strain out any toxins or radioactivity, and then remineralize water in a separate system. The Colombian Armed Forces already had large numbers of these systems in use, and a number of surplus units would be provided as the first batch to communities and neighborhoods in most major cities. The filtration units would be kept by Civil Defense personnel or volunteers in secure, protected locations, and would be maintained or checked regularly for malfunction.

The surge in Civil Defense revitalization would also see a number of private citizens investing in gear that was recommended but not mandatory for all households, which included gas masks and air test systems that doubled as carbon monoxide or smoke detectors. These systems could also detect chemical weapon traces, and would immediately alert the family to the presence of such weaponry if needed. Some citizens would go so far as to buy fallout shelters of their own, many having chosen to do so after the Umbrellan Civil War, in response to the large nuclear attacks that were unrelentingly launched on civilian population cities. The Colombian National Progressive Front actively promoted the legislation after its signing into law as well, holding community seminars and get-togethers with Civil Defense personnel. These community action programs would help raise awareness to the dangers of modern warfare, while not going so far as to alarm people, but to remind them that the threat always loomed over everyone's head, and that proper planning for such contingencies was important.

Unknown to the public, the Colombian Armed Forces also was having a flurry of strategic activity, with the transferring of most of the Colombian Navy to the Atlantic, as well as an uptick in methods of camouflage for Colombia's unannounced nuclear deterrent. Of course there already existed an entire fleet of interceptor missiles that were tested against intercontinental, intermediate-range, medium-range, and tactical ballistic missiles and proven to be relatively accurate, but the shield did not give Colombia the means to strike back at any foes that had "gone nuclear" on them.

Colombia's intercontinental ballistic missile forces were land and sea-based threats (with roving boomers that followed random paths throughout the Southeastern Pacific and South-Central Atlantic, while missile silos scattered throughout the country, well disguised against detection, the internal intricacies of the silos themselves included systems that would monitor ground and air temperatures to reflect the temperatures of the surroundings of the silo. Usually built in conspicuous places, on (government-owned and operated) farms, remote (government-operated) villages, or on military bases themselves, where the silos included both conventionally-tipped and nuclear-tipped missiles. The silos typically had two to three missiles ready for launch at any time, and even nearby detection of atomic or radioactive elements was hard, with the silos encased with lead and concrete, all had been built under extreme secrecy, with efforts to blind satellites as well as mask the construction from aerial or satellite reconnaissance.

To complement Colombia's static silo dispositions, mobile TEL truck-based launchers that were disguised by overfitting the missile launcher itself with what appeared to be normal shipping containers were also active. Usually dispersed widely into single batteries, they would move on a rotation to various sites throughout the interior of the country, utilizing camouflage or satellite-dazzling equipment to mask their movements. They would typically set up their deadly cargos near military encampments, so as to not look conspicuous, and were guarded by heavily-armed security platoons. The Defense Ministry was also looking into the possibility of mounting such weaponry on disguised freight trains, but funding allocations were tight, and the Project, known as [i]Atomic Locomotive[/i] was still in development phase at the moment.

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With the continued expansion of the Greater Colombian economy, an emphasis on economic integration with the Protectorate of Peru continued to take a large precedence with the government and private industry. Now, although with access to the natural resources of Guyana, the Colombian economy, hungry for mineral wealth, had turned heavily to Peru to provide this. This demand was funneling a large number of mining ventures, so much so that further regulatory personnel and workplace safety inspectors were having to be hired in Peru to handle the increasing number of extraction facilities. So important was Peruvian mineral wealth to the Republic, that the Second Chamber of Representatives now enforced that any sovereign government to rise in the protectorate was to ensure an uninterrupted flow of material to Greater Colombia at a standard rate. The new interior rail link between Colombia and Peru had only recently been finished, and with it, a marked increase in passenger and freight would travel between the two territorial entities, with an oil pipeline soon to be accompanying increased infrastructure links between the protector and protected.

To protect these increased interests in Peru, the National Army would reciprocate political action with protective action, dispatching two infantry divisions and a light (infantry) division to Peru, along with three independent regiments of Armored Cavalry. These deployments would accompany an marked deployment of strategic and tactical air defense systems which would protect the protectorate's citizens, elements of the National Army stationed in Peru, and the Colombian political and economic interests in their protectorate. Similar deployments would be made in Guyana, where three of the National Army's newest light divisions would be stationed, along with a full Marine division, and a couple of independent Armored Cavalry Regiments, to assist in the protection of Colombia's newest state.

As the economy continued to erase lost gains during the East Venezuelan Nuclear Crisis, the National Army would not only see increased deployments of troops abroad (to Peru), and to the newest states of Greater Colombia, it would see the deployment of the newest equipment for the National Army's combat foot soldier.

To combat ballistic and shrapnel threats that continued to be serious threats to the common foot soldier, a new armor protection system was integrated with a load carriage system to create the [url="http://download.chip.eu/ii/203687402_fb1120a416.jpg"]M450 Ballistic Protection System[/url]. Utilizing a layered Kevlar bi-weave with lightweight composite armor blocks over vital areas, the combined load carriage system and undershirt also "wicked" moisture from the soldiers' body, keeping soldiers comfortable despite being encased in a relatively bulk armor system. To protect ligaments, slip-on armor plates and flash-protection equipment was worn on arms and legs, protecting against bullets and shrapnel, while high-impact knee-pads protected these vital joints so diving and sliding was easier to accomplish without risking injuries. This was integrated with Synergy Tactical's Flashpoint High-Dexterity Gloves, which were form fitting and offered heat and flash protection up to seven hundred degrees Fahrenheit for limited amounts of time. Synergy Tactical also provided a line of combat boots, known affectionately to the troops as the "Battle Slippers" for their comfort, despite having composite armor shanks in the bottom, and a steel toe, and were water proof to a certain degree.

As part of the M450, all section corporals (there are two sections to each twelve-man squad), and squad sergeants would be equipped with a helmet-mounted microphone system, which was fully compatible with the [i]Illapa[/i] battle network. The helmet mounted microphone system was programmable with daily code words, and a voice encryption system would keep communications secure with other squads or superiors higher up the chain of command. The helmet provided Greater Colombian soldiers with protection to the upper neck, and neck guards for the system were available as an optional attachment, to offer further protection against shrapnel or ballistic threats, and a slide-down tactical set of eyewear provided eye protection against ballistic threats as well. As part of the M450's helmet-mounted system, Synergy Tactical's [url="http://cdn3-www.playstationlifestyle.net/assets/uploads/2010/04/ghost-recon-future-soldier-05-685x385.jpg"]Eagle Owl[/url] Night-Fighting System could provide night vision and infrared vision options, with zoom-in capabilities.

To provide special operations forces and Republican Guard units with advanced tactical equipment, Synergy Tactical had developed the [i]Illapa-[/i]compatible [url="http://cdn.gamerant.com/wp-content/uploads/Ghost-Recon-Future-Soldier-Review.jpg"]Aware[/url] Eyewear, which provided a miniaturized LCD screen that were superimposed into specially-fitted tactical eyewear. The system would provide real-time data to the user with known positions of hostile forces, as well as information on force dispersal, nearby available support, and the system would even shut down to avoid enemy use, if the user's pulse was lost. Coupled with a voice-encryption-capable headset and relay system, the Aware System was a potent battlefield force which provided Colombian special operations with critical information. If mounted on a helmet, a mini camera could record data and use the Aware eyewear's data uplink to get facial recognition information on, for example, a high value individual target, like a crime boss for instance.

The National Army was not the only branch of the Armed Forces that was receiving new equipment, the National Navy was also in the process of a refit for the [i]Dauntless[/i]-class Heavy Guided Missile Frigates, which included the fitting of forty peripheral vertical launch tubes, in groupings of four about the outer side of the hull. Although originally fitted for the systems, with the rush to get ships to sea in the face of deteriorating diplomatic conditions in North America (at the time of their construction), the systems were never fitted. In an effort to complete that refit, all the [i]Dauntless[/i]-class were taken off the front line to embark on a crash-course refit that would see the modules installed over the span of a month.

The refits to the heavy frigates of the Navy was not the only activity that was ongoing, a series of eighteen total new combat vessels were being introduced to the fleet, including a new [i]Citadel[/i]-class Arsenal Ship, one [i]Companion-[/i]class Cruiser, and another [i]Endurance[/i]-class Amphibious Assault Ship. Five new [i]Pursuit[/i]-class Heavy Corvettes would be introduced to the fleet as well, while two new [i]Dauntless[/i]-class Heavies and three River-class Multimission Frigates would round out the new surface vessels to the combat fleet. Underneath the waves, two of the Island-class Diesel Submarines would be commissioned, while two more would remain in strategic reserve, two [i]Valiant-[/i]class Nuclear Attack Submarines and a single SSGN-configured Mountain-class Ballistic Missile Sub would also be commissioned.

Whilst these procurement activities were ongoing, to acquaint maritime combat forces (including marines) with new equipment that was still in the process of being deployed, a series of amphibious and riverine exercises would take place on the Orinoco River, Margarita Island, the Los Testigos Group, and on the Essequibo River in Guyana. The series of exercises would help acquaint personnel with the capabilities and limitations of their new equipment, while providing the Navy and National Army the chance to make any doctrinal tweaks to its new brown water and amphibious operation strategy and operational guides. The exercises would consist of long-range endurance testing, amphibious landing techniques, riverine patrol with command and control elements, combined arms focuses, which involved both helicopters and aerial support, along with many other testing features. The slew of testing for the new landing craft would also provide the Colombian Marines with a chance to perform some much-needed amphibious landing exercises, the lack of which (before the exercises), had been commented on at many a General Defense Staff meeting...

Edited by TheShammySocialist
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With the new Chamber of Representatives continuing to settle into their role as legislators for the Republic, there were a number of shake ups to follow in their stead, with the appointing of a number of new Ministers to key posts within the government. Lorenzo Barrachos and Fredrick de la Vera Cruz would remain as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of the Interior, respectively, but a number of ministers would be shuffled out of their posts. In lieu of upcoming marriage to the President, and despite calls by a large plurality of the Chamber to her to retain her position, Elena Vasquez would resign as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, "to ensure she could attend to the duties of First Lady of Colombia with the utmost attention and vigor it required".

The shuffle of Ministers would result in the Cabinet of Ministers being as follows; Lupe de Santa Anna, as the leader of the National Progressive Front's Coalition Government, would be Prime Minister. Her close protege, and former military officer, Rafael Paez, would be Minister of Defense, while National Party of Patriots' politicians Edwardo Carranza and Xavier Hormosa would be made Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Interstate Commerce and International Trade respectively. The shuffle at the top echelons of government would spill over into the military as well, with a number of key positions being filled with appointees who were friendly with the current government. Two of the three members of the General Defense Staff, Navy Chief of Staff Vice Admiral Jorge Morales and the Chief of Staff of the National Army, Lieutenant General Fernando Leon decided to take retirement.

To replace them, in a meeting with Chief of the Defense Staff, General Carlos Jimenez, Paez would decide on the ambitious, and relatively young Rear Admiral Hector Eversmann to replace Morales, while the politically-savvy Lieutenant General Jesus Santander, a strong supporter of the National Party of Patriots, would be appointed to Chief of Staff of the Army. Both had strong ties with the nationalistic sentiment that was imbued by the Colombian National Progressive Front and the National Party of Patriots, but while Santander was mostly a politically well-connected officer, Eversmann was one of the best flag grade officers the Navy had in its ranks, known for his inspiring leadership, initiative, and "get-it-done" attitude. Although voicing some reluctance with Santander's appointment, Jimenez would approve of the two officers taking the now-open slots, while Vincent Escobar would remain Chief of Staff of the Air Force.

Whilst these high-level political two-step dance maneuvers took place, the Colombian Space Agency, in cohesion with the Colombian Air Force, would successfully complete a battery of endurance tests on Colombia's first reusable space aircraft, the [url=http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boeing_X-37]XEA-59[/url]. This was after the loss of the first XEA-59 when its launch rocket detonated about forty-five seconds after launch, owing to a faulty fuel line rupturing, and causing a catastrophic explosion over the Caribbean, north of the Barcelona Launch Facility. The second XEA-59 would complete nearly a half a year mission that saw the vehicle undergo a battery of endurance tests and docking maneuvers with satellites, whilst testing the feasibility of the design for carrying payloads.

The XEA-59 was found that it could carry a slew of equipment, including surveillance-grade synthetic aperture radar mapping equipment, optical imaging equipment, along with SIGINT equipment all on a mobile platform that utilized VASIMR-based thrusters to power its way through orbit. A larger version of the XEA-59, the -59B, was designed to carry seven individuals in a cargo capsule, where they could live and perform experiments or repairs on satellites for a period of four weeks. The XEA-59 and its derivatives and related projects were all an effort to renew interest in orbital missions beyond satellites for the Colombian nation, which was not only a government-spearheaded project. Synergy Group was in the process of building an orbital launch facility near Georgetown, Guyana, which would be run in cohesion with the Colombian Space Agency, but fees for the facilities' users would go to Synergy Group, which was responding to calls for an expanded ability to run rocket tests and orbital launches.

In military developments, the National Defense Research Group, based at the closed town of Ciudad Piar, and which was a shadowy part of the Colombian Armed Forces and usually colluded with Colombia's military industries and their development groups, had been able to finish development on a new form of electromagnetic pulse defense. Utilizing layers of cheap but powerful superconducting material known as magnesium diboride, which was binded to a series of bands of negative metamaterials, the research National Defense Research Group was able to successfully eliminate electromagnetic interference within a certain area. Even if the area of effect was opened, the system was able to stop complete interference with the inner electronic workings of the target in question.

Considering that the system required significant power to ensure the superconducting material was able to maintain its charge, the application of it on the battlefield on large systems would remain out of reach. Using the system, known as the [i]Piar Electromagnetic Spiral[/i] to protect command centers, communications nodes, and electronics on fixed defenses and systems was not out of the question, however, and the fitting out of relevant areas was to begin with funding allocation already available to make the system operation. This would provide a level of defense against devastating electromagnetic pulse blasts, beyond hardening, Faraday Cages, and the like, which would make some locales and command centers almost invulnerable to attack via electromagnetic pulse.

Meanwhile, the first of the [i]Freedom[/i]-class Joint Support Ships, the RGCS [i]Freedom[/i], would set sail on her maiden voyage after a shakedown cruise to Lima, Peru, through the Panama Canal. Embarked with a number of various personnel from the Navy, Marines, and Air Force, the vessel was to make a goodwill visit to the Cyrantian Antarctic Facility, before heading to the Drake Passage. As part of an ongoing testing phase for new naval equipment, the [i]Freedom[/i] was embarked with one LCU and two LCMs, which the Navy determined that it needed to test the landing vessels in guaranteed heavy open ocean conditions. With the guarantee that the Drake Passage could provide such rough conditions, the RGCS [i]Freedom[/i] and her cargo would depart to test the vessels in the middle of the Passage, away from land, before proceeding to the Atlantic and back to the [i]Freedom[/i]'s home base, the Navy's forward operating station on Trinidad at Claxton Bay.

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[url=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cqPgbwHdn0A]This is Our Land[/url]

After a relatively short flight from Caracas to Bogota, there would be very little fanfare to arrive to in Bogota, many citizens were still returning from mandatory evacuations, others seemed very solemn. But, those that saw the Presidential motorcade that rumbled through the city from the airport would raise hands and cheer, news was beginning to break that a peace agreement had been signed one that was more lasting than a simple armistice. The attacks had ceased, the country was now safe, parts of the city, like many others, were still having their power restored, while civilian personnel worked with military cyber warfare personnel helped them work through bugs that had damaged utilities in most major cities, Bogota having got hit relatively hard by such attacks.

A candlelight vigil was taking place in Plaza de Bolivar, community leaders leading the ceremony had been informed that a Presidential statement would be made shortly, and Colombia International News was setting up a few screens near Plaza de Bolivar and large speakers so that Ignacio de Ardanza could be heard. The Presidential Motorcade would avoid going past the Plaza, leaving the people to their thoughts and prayers, and not disturbing them from them. A small crowd of people had gathered around the Republican Guard cordon of the Narino Palace's entrance, and many would cheer as the Presidential Motorcade arrived and entered the palace's front gate.

A mass of reporters and cameras had been assembled in the front foyer, and all of media would stand up as Ignacio entered the Palace, wearily walking with Elena at his side, and Barachos following behind him. General Rafael Gordillo, National Security and Intelligence Director Victor Ramirez, and National Police of Colombia Commissioner Raul Corbanza were already standing off to the side, and Gordillo along with the Republican Guards in the room, would salute. Ignacio would nod them down, before shaking hands with the trio, while Barrachos joined them. Elena would stay with Ignacio until he got to the podium in the center of the foyer, before patting him on the back, and then backing away, clasping her hands in front of her. There were no note cards in front of him, no teleprompter, and he wearily looked around the group of assembled media, and he cleared his throat, and sipped from a glass of water. He had been thinking of what he would say only moments after Captain Martinez had turned against Lupe de Santa Anna, he knew that nothing he could say would take back the wounds inflicted upon the country. After a moment of silence, before which all the media would remain standing, he would begin...

"Good Evening, brother and sister citizenry, and friends from near and far abroad, for a little over the last fortnight, Colombia has had to endure not only an attack from... from the outside, it has had to endure an attack from within. Our government and its laws were molded, perverted, in such a way that it almost tore our country asunder, brought its demise, and eroded much that we have accomplished in almost five years of existence as a sovereign nation. My good intentions, however good they were, proved to be ones that sparked actions that no words I ever say will extinguish. We have lost a number of fellow citizens to this war, died on the field of battle, performing vital services, or the innocent trying to escape."

"We will never know if the actions of Lupe de Santa Anna and her associates were preventable, with the gift of hindsight, some may say they were, others may maintain they were not. Whatever the case may be, Colombia has had to awake from the nightmare of a madwoman's rule that erased many successes and innocent lives from our nation's clutches, we now look around us at each other, the solemn faces, some of us may feel guilty, others angry, and all of us, can feel in some way, shape or form, a sense of grief. I can only offer words and promises tonight to all who listen or watch me now, not only were we hoodwinked by a psychotic individual, we were also forced to inflict pain and suffering on other nations. We are not the only ones burying our dead still, and I can wholeheartedly say that I am gracious from the compassion shown our nation when ours gave little in return."

"We can not take back the wounds that were inflicted by this crisis, a crisis we were all forced to endure, whatever I say here tonight will not make what happened disappear or wake you from the nightmare we have been forced to endure. What I [i]will[/i] offer... tonight... and for as long as I am President... is a way forward, we will not forget those who gave their lives, for a cause that was, at its' heart, in vain. What we will do... is move forward while remembering this chapter in our history, every single citizen has a stake in this country, their actions every day shape who we are as a nation. I will never forget this sordid chapter in our nations' history, but I will not let it consume my life... this is a time for healing, for applying bandages over wounds, for picking up the pieces of what was lost, and looking to the present and tomorrow."

"In remembrance of the victims of this crisis, both in Greater Colombia and abroad, there shall be a week of national mourning for all, at the conclusion of which, there will be a national plebiscite on a vote of confidence for my continued presence here in the Narino Palace, and also other options open to governance here in Colombia. The Chamber of Representatives is hereby suspended as a governing body until the results of the national plebiscite are examined and mulled over. Whilst these political machinations take shape, the Council of Ministers, Judicial Branch, and the Office of the President, along with State Governors, will be working together on political reforms which will established by the plebiscite. After this crisis, I believe this is the best course of action, to ensure political reforms that do not allow such an event as this to go on again."

"The government will direct all resources to fellow citizenry, to ensure that basic utilities and services are restored, and infrastructure is renewed to all citizens, along with access to food, water, and healthcare. Both of our former foes, Tianxia and Athens are pledging humanitarian aid and resources to our benefit, and I can only respond with my thanks to their generosity, which will be reciprocated as time wears on, I am sure of that. To you, the citizenry of Greater Colombia, you are our priority, your health and welfare are our primary concern, and my government will not rest until it has seen to the needs of the last person effected by this tragedy. To those who continue to believe in Lupe de Santa Anna's cause, my government will not tolerate further actions of sedition, and my thoughts go to a number of loyal government personnel who were killed or remain missing whilst performing their duties as members of the government."

"My prayers and thoughts go out to you, Colombia, we have had many a tragedy to endure, we now have a country, and a dream to restore, we will once again shine in the light of ancestors. Remember what has happened, cherish those who stand with you now, and look to the present and what we can once again become. I bid you good night, and God bless," he said, as he looked around solemnly at the reporters who stood before him. Camera flashes began blinding him, but he stood at the podium for a good half minute, his hands gently gripping the mahogany, before he slowly stepped away, and looked to Elena, who was now clapping along with many others in the room.

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Despite a political referendum determining the fate of Greater Colombia's political future, and the fate of the Presidency of Ignacio de Ardanza, a re-assembled team of ministers would work feverishly for nearly four days straight after Ignacio's return to the capital. With the arrest of many National Progressive Front politicians, there would be a significant shake up in the Council of Ministers, which would be made up of competent and loyal administrators. Diego Flores would return to the Council as Interim Minister of Interstate Commerce and International Trade, while Elena de Ardanza would become Interim Minister for Home Affairs and Francisco Calles would retake his job as Treasury Minister. NPC Commissioner Raul Corbanza would sit in for Frederick de la Vera Cruz as Interim Minister of the Interior, whilst General Rafael Gordillo would occupy the vacant Defense Minister's post.

Although both Frederick de la Vera Cruz and Chief of Defense Staff General Carlos Jimenez both remained missing and possibly in the hands of Santa-Anna-aligned militia, along with a number of key Deputy Ministers and staffers, it was the decision of Ignacio and his ministers that work would have to continue. The loyalist officials would not be forgotten however; the wounded but determined Armed Services and vigilant Security Forces of Colombia were working exhaustively to find and return all hostages, as well as eradicate the last vestiges of Santa Anna's rule. Although law and order had been restored to much of the country, there were still pockets of Lupe de Santa Anna sympathizers and followers who were desperate and not giving in just yet, but their presence was little more than an annoyance.

With Tianxian and Athenian material and monetary aid pouring in, the Colombian Army's Corps of Engineers, working alongside private contracting companies were already working exhaustively to completely repair major routes that had been damaged in bombing attacks. Basic services had been restored at most major airports that had been damaged in attacks on Colombian aerial facilities during the war, but some remained at limited operational capacity. Electrical service was still being restored to urban and suburban areas, while most of the countryside had remained untouched by EMP strikes and infrastructure damage. Government teams were also assessing major focal points of damage, including the General Rafael Urdaneta Bridge in Maracaibo, and major spans across the Orinoco in the interior, and the government was in the process of making a major decision over the fate of the energy sector, after reviewing major damage to several refineries, pipelines, and production fields.

The focus of the government was one that was promised by Ignacio in his speech; the welfare of the citizenry, with the lack of reliable electricity in some areas of the country, government workers and military forces were setting up soup kitchens and food distribution points in major urban centers. If water supplies were in any way, shape, or form thought to be contaminated, the military would distribute water via mobile reverse-osmosis, re-mineralization stations as well, to provide drinking water for citizens in need of safe drinking water. There seemed to be little in the way of political protests against the returned de Ardanza regime, and many Colombians were responding positively to the platform put forward by the resurgent President; "remember the past, look to the present", and if one looked around the streets of many cities, they would find citizens helping others clean up debris from errant missile strikes, or comforting one another.

The country may have been wounded, but the patriotic sentiment continued to run strong, and candlelight vigils held multiple nights throughout the country, including one led personally by Ignacio and a number of his ministers at Plaza de Bolivar would be strongly attended. Despite what had happened, there was a sense of optimism that couldn't be broken by the somber week of mourning, as the country buried its dead. Off the coast of Guyana, the damaged but defiant destroyer [i]Caracas[/i] would pass over the resting place of the proud Colombian Atlantic Fleet, who had taken many a good sailor with her, wreathes would be cast from the fantail of the patched-up guided missile destroyer, one for each vessel and her crew that now found their resting place there. Whilst on her remembrance voyage, accompanied by a Coast Guard cutter that was laying wreathes for its own personnel that had been lost, the [i]Caracas[/i] would commit the de Santa Anna plotter-turned-loyalist Vice Admiral Hector Eversmann to the sea.

As the first week of peace drew to an end, it would dictate Colombia's future, as the country began to heal itself from within, bandaging its wounds, and turning a blackened eye towards a kinder future. The war had set Greater Colombia back a fair distance, but with the same determination that saw the country establish itself in the first place, it was setting itself a new course forward politically and socially...

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[quote]
[b]To: Colombian Government [/b]
[b]From: Hudson Bay Federation Office of the Chancellor[/b]
[b]Subject: Aid Offer[/b]

President de Ardanza:

Hudson Bay hasn't forgotten the kindness of you and your people in light of the devastating attacks on Winnipeg some years ago. I offer to you our support in monetary funds, manpower and other supplies to help your country rebuild from a misguided war from a tyrant. We stand prepared to dig your nation from the ravages of war, just as your country did for us. Once again, thank you Mr. President and we look forward to continue our strong friendship between our countries.

Sincerest Regards,



Douglas Welks

Chancellor of the Hudson Bay Federation
[/quote]

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[quote][b]To: Hudson Bay Federation - Office of the Chancellor[/b]
[b]From: [/b][b]Office of the President of Greater Colombia[/b]
[b]Subject: RE:Aid Offer[/b]

Mr. Welks,

I cannot begin to even express the appreciation that I personally feel for your offer of aid to our nation in this time of need, let alone the continuation of our formal diplomatic relations. Any help that can be afforded with the reconstruction of vital infrastructure, along with any assistance rendered in electrical engineering and networking vital utilities could be of great use right now.

Your gratitude will never be forgotten, we look forward to continuing to strengthen our diplomatic relationship with your nation as ours rebuilds and emerges from this disaster. There is much work to be done, but many hands make lighter work, and any assistance rendered to us will help our nation steady itself back on its feet once again.

Best of Regards,

[font=lucida sans unicode,lucida grande,sans-serif][i]Ignacio de Ardanza[/i][/font]
[font=lucida sans unicode,lucida grande,sans-serif][font=arial,helvetica,sans-serif][b]President of Greater Colombia[/b][/font][/font][/quote]

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[b]Sometime later...[/b]

Federation Defense Ministry civilian contractors and several Army and Air Force communication squadrons were ordered to Brandon Air Force Base to gear up and prepare for another mission overseas to help their Colombian allies recover from the war. Orders were drawn up and convoy of trucks made Brandon AFB buzz for about three days while the men and equipment was rounded up. Nearly two dozen C-17 Globemaster III aircraft sat on the flight line as vital infrastructure and other heavy equipment was loaded aboard. The men would fly separately on several commercial chartered flights of an FL-800.

Chancellor Welks made sure the Colombians got what they requested and more. He proposed a $20 billion Colombian rebuilding aid package to the Legislature for voting, which would be decided later. Engineers from various fields would be brought along, as well as the necessary hardware to get things running again. In a more subtle manner, a small team of Federation Security Intelligence Agency agents would be on hand to COMSEC issues in repairing classified networks up to proper security standards, especially for vital commercial infrastructure. They would also be on hand to begin retraining their Colombian counterparts on improving their networks in various workshops that would be determined once in country.

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[b]Classified[/b]


[quote]
[b]To: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greater Colombia[/b]
[b]From: The Ministry of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[b]Subject:[/b][b] Naval Expansion[/b]

To whomever it concerns,

As the Faraway realm has decided to strengthen its naval capacities, in my duty as Minister of the Defense, I hereby extent an offer to the Colombian shipbuilding industry. As the naval yards of our country are all confined in the Great Lakes, it is possible for our country to build small-to-medium sized warships, but it is not possible for Faraway to start construction of larger capital ships in our own drydocks. Therefor, we were given funding to acquire 6 aircraft carriers of approximately 70,000-80,000 metric tons of displacement.

While we do not know whether or not the Colombian naval yards would be open for a contract to construct these ships in exchange for proper payment, it is for our country of utmost importance that, should Colombian naval yards produce these ships for us, the matter is handled with the necessary degree of confidentiality, given this is a matter of national security.

We hope for a positive reply and we ask for consideration, that we will withhold exact data for now, until receiving a positive reply.

With regards,

[i]Alexander Nelson[/i]
[b]Minister of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[/quote]

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[quote][b] To: The Ministry of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[b]From: [/b][b]Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard[/b]
[b]Subject:[/b][b] RE:Naval Expansion[/b]

Mr. Nelson,

Although Greater Colombia is engaging in a naval reconstruction program following its war with Athens and Tianxia, and some industrial facilities were damaged by cyber attacks, as well as errant missile strikes, it is lucky that you find our shipbuilding industry almost fully intact at this time. Although the slipways at Maracaibo are currently in the process of building replacement vessels for the Colombian Navy, we have four current slips available at Maracaibo that could accommodate your request. This would necessitate the building of four carriers over the course of a year, utilizing advanced modular construction and what our industries like to term 'Common Component Matching' (CCM) techniques, which would include basic components from our own ships, that would work with yours and are easy to replace.

Once our own replacement carriers are rebuilt, in about nine to ten months, we would begin work on your final two carriers, while your other carriers would be approximately three months before the last two are fitted out and ready for their voyage north. Of course this construction process can be expedited by a month if only basic surface navigation radar and communication arrays are installed, and work with electronics can be completed by your own industries or shipbuilders or fitters.

We hope this arrangement is to your liking, if it is, then we may discuss price and naval outfitting options, and design plans that you had in mind for our yards.

[i]All the best,

Lela Fuentes
Head of External Sales[/i][/quote]

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As rebuilding efforts continued at the close of the first full week of peace, with laborers working feverishly through the weekend to restore transportation routes that had been damaged to a respectable level before permanent repairs could be made. Bridges that had been destroyed or damaged during attacks were being supplemented by Navy Amphibious Craft, with two Landing Ship Tanks standing in as ferries for Maracaibo's damaged Rafael Urdanata Bridge, and LCUs deployed to points along the Magdalena River and Orinoco. Work was continuing at Ciudad Guyana and Ciudad Bolivar to replace bridge decking and restore structural integrity to the two major bridges that crossed the Orinoco, while the government was pumping foreign monetary aid and food supplies into ensuring the population was fed and proper healthcare was ensured. Foreign aid was also targeted at the rebuilding of infrastructure, not only roads, railroads, and airports, but also communications systems, as well as damaged energy and industrial sectors.

With the end of the first week, Ignacio de Ardanza's promise to the nation of holding a referendum on a vote of confidence into his leadership was kept, with ballot stations set up on a Friday, and the voting would start on Saturday. Throughout the week, the weary President, still bereft of some key leaders from his old regime, would make an all-out effort alongside members of his council of ministers to detail reconstruction plans, along with reforms. The referendum would also include bond issues on reconstruction aid, as well as a question concerning the Chamber of Representatives, which would extend Ignacio's suspension of the legislative body for a full year, at which time another referendum would be held concerning the Chamber and whether to reopen the body again. By early Sunday morning, it was clear that the population of the country had accepted Ignacio back as leader with confidence, with exit polls pointing to a resounding victory for the President.

Security was heavy for polling stations, with the Colombian Armed Forces and the nation's security apparatus taking serious threats by remnants of the de Santa Anna plot, many of them part of the ultra-right-wing Colombian Patriotic Guard, to attack voting stations. These threats would not dissuade voters from coming to the polls, and although the militia delivered on their promise, attacking about a dozen polling stations across the nation with firearms or bombs, voter turnout, on the whole, would not be effected. The military and National Police of Colombia would respond to these attacks viciously, and with the country in a state of martial law, the military would cooperate in investigating and carrying out raids against suspected Colombian Patriotic Guard groups alongside local and national police. Perpetrators of the attacks, if left alive, would be rounded up and sent to Fort Tiuna in Caracas, which served as both a military barracks, as well as the national military prison, which housed State Enemies, including Lupe de Santa Anna, who was awaiting a trial on high treason.

Although voter support for the suspension of the Chamber of Representatives was a lesser number than those confirming confidence in de Ardanza's rule, the plebiscite would still pass, and with it, pass legislative power over to the Presidential-appointed district governors. The President was quick to develop the nickname of [i]El Jefe[/i] amongst government administrators and advisers, as the upper tiers of government was working tirelessly to reform the political system with the consultation of the Judiciary after the weekend vote. The Chamber of Governors would assist the Executive Branch in allocating treasury money, as well as bring to the attention of the Executive Branch issues within each district, reporting directly to their superiors in the State Governors Council, which was made up of the Governors of the States of Greater Colombia; Colombia, Venezuela, Guyana, and Trinidad, plus the Executive Governor of Peru.

District governors would be advised and supported by local municipal officials, that were still elected by popular vote to their posts to represent the concerns of the communities, and would also be assisted by a National Security and Intelligence Directorate Security Commissioner, an Executive Branch-appointed Political Officer, and a Ministry of Home Affairs Representative, and of course a Local Head Magistrate. These political reforms would see a tightening of security around the country, while ensuring basic human freedoms were assured, censorship was not heavily enforced, although efforts to publish calls to dissent and rebellion by local Colombian Patriotic Guard would be prosecuted and investigated. Political demonstrations were still allowed, although the government would monitor demonstrations and marches closely, to ensure they did not get out of hand.

The judiciary, having been almost completed suspended under the rule of Lupe de Santa Anna, would go along with the reforms, with High Court Officials working alongside the Executive Branch to ensure that while the country's political system became more tightly controlled, the basic freedom of the population was ensured. In essence, Colombia was quietly losing its status as a democratic nation, the Executive was becoming the wielder of power, and the constitution's checks and balances slowly eroded away to ensure that this was so. The Armed Forces were still bound to the constitution, which was still an effective document that ensured the basic freedoms of life and society in general, gender and racial equality, and judicial rights to prisoners, bar those who were proven to have committed treason against the state.

Another political reform that was unveiled at the beginning of the second week of peace, was the nationalization of the countries' energy industry into the Greater Colombian Gas and Petroleum Company, which would see the nation essentially seize the assets of the countries' oil giants. While most management and workers would retain their jobs, upper tier executives would be offered compensatory offers by the nation. They would also have the chance to have executive positions within the Company, if they were, of course, competent, and barring they did not take their case to a Court of Appeals, which would probably strike down the case anyways, there was little public outcry over the move, which ensured a state monopoly over the oil and natural gas production and refining industry. The country would also nationalize the last of the private large shipbuilders, including Guyanese Docks Limited in Georgetown, as the country moved towards a partially-planned economy. Most free enterprise would still be welcomed, provided it was not directly associated with the procurement and export of oil and natural gas, or large-scale shipbuilding.

Whilst these moves were ongoing, the Colombian Executive would begin preliminary funding for the reconstruction of the decimated Colombian Navy, whilst utilizing upgrades in communications infrastructure to also plan significant upgrades to defense communications and networks...

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"Today, we are honored with the presence of newly-rehabilitated Lorenzo Barrachos, Foreign Minister for Greater Colombia, it's a pleasure to meet you again, Your Honor," said Alejandro Cartegna, as he opened another segment of Sunday Morning's [i]Focus National[/i] political talk show. The camera would pan from the greying, yet dashing Cartegna, to the similarly aged Barrachos, who appeared to be quite tired, he would smile lightly though, and look to Cartegna, as the camera panned out.

"Its an honor to be here, Alejandro, thank you for having me on," responded Barrachos, pouring a glass of water for himself before leaning back in his chair.

"So, last weekend we were graced with the presence of Diego Flores, who took time out of what appears to be a very busy schedule of meetings and working sessions to give us an update and a look to the future of Colombia's economy. I thank you for your time coming on to talk about Colombia's future diplomatically, and perhaps some questions about more domestic issues?"

"If I can answer the latter, I will try my best, most of the domestic issues are either handled by Raul Corbanza, standing in for Frederick de la Vera Cruz, and Elena de Ardanza," replied Barrachos, lightly.

"Of course, of course, and as we all know, a nationwide manhunt continues seeking out the safe return of Mr. de la Vera Cruz to his proper place, here back in Bogota," noted Cartegna, looking at the camera, before looking back at Barrachos. "Starting out on ground that is more of your own responsibility, what is your current take on Colombia's external affairs currently?"

"Well, I believe that currently, the single most important thing to remember is that Lupe de Santa Anna was able to completely undermine the government and take power, and initiate a conflict that was about insane as one could ever think against two global powers. This event far outweighs the effects of the Umbrella Commonwealth's Civil War, and I think it had a ripple effect across the global spectrum. This was an event that shook global confidence in our relatively stable nation up to that point, and it will effect our nation for years to come, I believe," replied Barrachos.

"Do you think that Colombia's allies, including the new found ones in Tianxia and Athens, being former enemies, will have a much more regulated and tighter approach when dealing with us in future negotiations?" asked Cartegna, before taking a long sip of water.

"I believe that the trust with some of our allies and partners was certainly eroded by the effects of the war, but I also believe that the government's comprehensive political reform since then will alleviate most shaken partners. That being said, I still think that our nation will have to pay for de Santa Anna's sudden attack on Athens, a massive global power in its own right. The President has said, himself, that it was his own fault for the war, stemming from his decision to make her Interim President, of course, that self-guilty verdict is made with the benefit of hindsight. Although the President's mandate as Head of State was renewed by the people by a relatively large margin, I still think that some countries may have lingering questions about Ignacio's decision-making in the future."

"You sound certain that in the long term, the actions of Colombia will probably not weigh too heavily on the minds of other sovereign nations."

"While there may be a general reluctance to approach Colombia in the short term, I believe that once the government's political reforms are completed and the nation back to normalcy, I think there will be renewed foreign interest in Colombia. We're a country that has a lot to offer other nations, a strong heavy manufacturing sector that has fluorished under the government's eye, a relatively stable source of energy, we have a thriving shipbuilding community, as well as providing exports in the pharmaceutical and electronics sectors. We also remain a strong destination for tourism, this country is one that is full of adventure and beauty, the Caribbean Dependencies alone are world renowned for their tourist sectors and are prime destinations for vacationers, honeymooners, and everyone in between," responded Barrachos, confidently looking at Cartegna.

"It is my understanding that the government is looking to expand existing relations with other nations in the hemisphere, and strengthen its commitments to its defense partners?"

"Yes, that is true, we are hoping to conclude further negotiations with Para, as well as work closer with Mexico on policing the region, and hopefully expanding our relationship with the Commonwealth, and possibly open negotiations with newcomers to North America as well. Once our political reforms are completed, I have reason to believe my office will continue to be a very busy segment of the Colombian government."

"Let's talk internal affairs for a bit, there has been some criticism by government watchdogs that Ignacio de Ardanza's appointments to cabinet posts are the beginning of essentially complete control over the Colombian government. How would you respond to that?"

Barrachos laughed lightly, "Ah, yes, I've read those criticisms that have been put out by a number of individuals, personally, my take on the government is this; we need political reform, the President is appointing those who are competent in their positions. I think these criticisms are a bit premature, especially given the amount of time these reforms will take."

"Fair enough," nodded Cartegna, looking at the camera, "I think we'll take a short break here, and come back to ask Foreign Minister Barrachos about internal happenings within the government. You're watching [i]Focus National[/i]..."

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[b]Classified[/b]

A simple encrypted note would be returned to Tianxia, acknowledging the receipt of the letter, and despite an ongoing pacification campaign that was seeking out members of the Colombian Patriotic Guard, the leadership issued an edict to the acting Chief of Defense Staff, Lieutenant General Fernando Leon. Although there had been only glancing defense correspondence between Tianxia and Colombia since the Crimson Concordant had been signed, a system of codewords had been established, in the event that even the most highest priority dispatches fell into enemy hands. When the message had arrived on his desk, the weary President Ignacio de Ardanza had been fresh from a meeting over the current state of the infrastructure and postwar reconstruction processes. He would look at the simple words on the printed-out parchment sitting on the desk before him, before looking over at the phone, and picking it up.

While a good portion of the Colombian Navy was still in the process of being rebuilt, the Pacific Fleet and its solitary carrier battlegroup had escaped unscathed from the carnage that had afflicted the Atlantic Fleet. Within two hours of a phone call being placed to the Defense Ministry, the entire Pacific Fleet was rallying all of its blue water assets outside the main fleet base at Buenaventura, and was steaming north for the Panama Canal. Colombia's only current operational carrier, the [i]Lake Maracaibo[/i], along with its last arsenal ship, and the rest of the surface and undersea vessels of the Pacific Fleet. An urgent message would be flashed to the TSI Commander for the Panama Canal Zone, requesting priority transfer status for the vessels to the Caribbean.

Whilst this was occurring, the remaining and patched-up vessels of the Atlantic Fleet, led by the venerable guided missile destroyer [i]Caracas[/i], would depart Guyana's premier naval base on the Essequibo River, for the open ocean. Any vessels not under repair would be ordered out of port along with whatever submarines were left at the facility, and a message would be flashed to all Colombian submarines on station or patrol about the Pacific and Atlantic, ordering them with post haste to the Caribbean to rendezvous with the rest of the fleet.

Although much of Colombia's early warning network had been disrupted or utterly destroyed in the debilitating attacks by Athens and Tianxia, powerful mobile radar emitters were available as backups for the spotty over-the-horizon radar network. Two deployable over-the-horizon radar groups, with multiple transmitters and receivers would be ordered to Venezuela's northern and eastern coastline. The solitary fixed OTH array stations in Guyana would be calibrated to work in cohesion with the deployable units if needed, matching frequencies with one another. These measures would be emulated on Colombia's western coastline, where the radar network was almost an utter mess, and many mobile radar units were still awaiting their replacement units. Spacetrack facilities were back online, albeit barely, with the assistance of technicians from the Hudson Bay Federation working alongside their Colombian compatriots in restoring complete communications and calibration with the Colombian National satellite constellation.

The Colombian Air Force would not be left out of the mobilization, as beaten up as it was, it had managed to survive the onslaught that Tianxia and Athens had brought down upon its bases, aircraft, and personnel. The Air Force had perhaps suffered the most damage of all three branches of the armed forces, with it reduced to four hundred combat aircraft at the peak of the fighting. By now, it had regained some of its strength, although it was somewhat short of pilots, but this would be balanced by the temporary supplementation of lost air force pilots with pilots from the four Colombian carriers that had been destroyed off Guyana, many of whom had survived. Similar measures would be taken with maintenance and rearmament staff who had been rescued from the carriers, and were supplementing personnel in the Air Force until replacements could be trained.

At patched up bases across Greater Colombia, aircraft crews would begin readying themselves and their craft for full operational status, with aviation factories being quickly requested to switch from aircraft production to emergency spare parts production. In a bid to ensure that aircraft were fully supplied with what they needed, spare parts for the [i]Osprey[/i] Tactical Bomber and [i]Javelina[/i] CAS Aircraft would be halted in favor for parts for the hulking B-1 [i]Condor[/i] Stealth Strategic Strike Bomber, the F-1 [i]Halcon[/i] Stealth Fighter, and F-15SE [i]Silent Eagle[/i] Tactical Strike Aircraft. Aircraft would be shuffled around the country, with the B-1 [i]Condor[/i] Wings being deployed to Central Venezuela's multiple strategic bases, ready for deployment anywhere in the country, or in the world at a moments' notice.

With the African conflagration still going on, the Air Force already had significant fixed-wing patrol assets in the country's exclusive economic zone, supplemented by helicopters and (mostly) diesel submarines on station. The aerial assets would see their numbers double in the course of a few hours, as the patrol aircraft would begin a series of more proactive anti-submarine measures, the dropping of sonobuoys, active sonars being pinged every so often, as opposed to most of the submarines running silent utilizing passive detection systems. Patrol aircraft would also be doubled up on the lines in the Caribbean and the Pacific, while the first examples of Colombia's replacement for its aging RC-135M Modular Strategic Recon Aircraft would make their appearance over the Atlantic, in the form of the EC-10C Strategic Reconnaissance Aircraft.

This would be accompanied by a series of alert notices to key National Army formations, many of whom were at close to, or full combat strength...

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[quote]
[u][b]Diplomatic Cable[/b][/u]
To: Colombian Government
From: Office of the President of the American Commonwealth
Subject: Reconstruction Assistance

The American Commonwealth wishes to convey its deepest sympathies with the Colombian people over the madness and destruction that has taken place in their nation these last few weeks. We would like to offer support for rebuilding efforts in your nation and are willing to make available what we have in terms of monetary, manpower, material and any other assets you might require to aid in your recovery. You can be assured that Colombia has a friend in the American Commonwealth.


Sincerely,

[i]David T. Bronson[/i]
-President of the American Commonwealth


[/quote]

OOC: Sorry its a bit late but I haven't really had much opportunity to write anything for a bit.

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[b]Secure Diplomatic Response[/b]

[quote][b]To: Office of the President of the American Commonwealth[/b]
[b]From: Office of the President of Greater Colombia[/b]
[b]Subject: RE:Reconstruction Assistance[/b]

We thank the American Commonwealth for their conveyance of sympathies towards our people, in this a trying time for our nation, the clouds remain to be stormy over Colombia, in the midst of crushing the last vestiges of the de Santa Anna plot. Our government is truly thankful for your friendship, despite the actions of Lupe de Santa Anna and the war that she inflicted upon the region. We continue to repair the damages of the war, and the light is at the end of the tunnel for that endeavor, we have already had gracious efforts made by other nations, and it warms our hearts that another nation comes to our aid in this, our time of need.

The most daunting task currently ahead of us is restoring vital infrastructure, including road networks, electricity, communications, and other facets of any modern state, as well as providing basic services to all of our citizens. Keeping this in mind, any material, heavy equipment, or personnel you can spare us for these endeavors is greatly appreciated, alongside monetary aid that will help pay for equipment and material procurement costs whilst undertaking these great challenges. Your act of kindness will never be forgotten amongst our people, and we will repay this debt to you, we believe that this may be further reason for increased cooperation between the Commonwealth and Greater Colombia. Once our political and social reforms are fully enacted, we hope to initiate a second round of diplomatic talks with your nation.

Thank you again, for all that you have done for our nation.

[i]Best of Regards,[/i]

[font=lucida sans unicode,lucida grande,sans-serif][i]Ignacio de Ardanza[/i][/font]
[font=lucida sans unicode,lucida grande,sans-serif][font=arial,helvetica,sans-serif][b]President of Greater Colombia[/b][/quote][/font][/font]

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[u][b]Operation New Dawn[/b][/u]
Congressional approval was given for the long term deployment of Commonwealth military forces to Colombia to assist with reconstruction efforts along with a $50 billion relief package. The 4th, 8th and 23rd Engineer Brigades along with 132nd Sustainment Brigade and the 72nd Infantry Division were deployed via strategic airlift to Colombia to begin assistance with reconstruction and aid operations. Heavy equipment and materials would be transported by the Navy's Sealift Command in an effort that used almost all available navy transports and several chartered cargo vessels. Several dozen construction and engineering companies were also privately contracted to provide additional capabilities and work capacity.

Private relief efforts were also conducted with NGOs and civilian aid groups raising money and volunteers to assist with rebuilding and aid efforts. Ultimately several thousand civilian volunteers would arrive in Colombia to participate in reconstruction. Fundraising efforts brought in a total of $300 million as well as a $200 million donation from Milton Hershey, the head of the Hershey Corporation. Private aid packages were put together to be distributed to the population in the event they were unable to secure supplies for whatever reason.

Edited by MostGloriousLeader
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[quote]
[b]To: [/b][b]Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard[/b]
[b]From: [/b][b]The Ministry of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[b]Subject:[/b][b] RE:RE:Naval Expansion[/b]

Mrs Fuentes,

Please excuse the late reply, as I just settled in the office of my predecessor, Sir alexander Nelson, who, due to his old age, has retired from politics. It has been rather hectic in our ministry, but it seems that the transition has been made successfully.

The Faraway Navy is still interested in this Fleet Expansion Program and we find your arrangement very much to our liking. The Faraway Realm is not likely to have a need for these carriers anytime soon (or so we hope), nevertheless, we would like to accept the offer with only basic electronics and sensoric equipment. Faraway may not have the naval yards to build these ships, but we do prefer to have domestically produced electronics, that match with the rest of our fleet, being used on these ships as far as possible.

The naval designs are attached to this message; we would hope that Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and shipyard can give us a first pricing offer, as well as maybe some improvements that could be made in the construction of these ships, given the plans are quite old by now.

With regards,

[i]Adéle Valmy[/i]
[b]Minister of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[/quote]

[b]OOC:[/b] The Biscotti-class aircraft carriers are based on the [url="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulyanovsk_class_aircraft_carrier"]Soviet Ulyanovsk-class[/url], though there are changes in what aircraft it uses, what missiles it uses and as far as I remember in the configuration of the deck. The Biscotti-class can be seen [url="http://forums.cybernations.net/index.php?showtopic=110022&#entry2945520"]here[/url], though you need to scroll up. as it is the last item in the naval equipment, I found it easier to link the next post, than to let you scroll down through all the other ships. I think the picture is for the possible future PLAN carrier program, as the Chinese might build carriers based on the Ulyanovsk.

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The American Commonwealth personnel that arrived in Greater Colombia would find themselves greeted as heroes, much like the greeting that was afforded to personnel from the Hudson Bay Federation. Colombian National Army Corps of Engineers Staffers would designate work areas for the newly-arrived Commonwealth engineering units, mainly being assigned to the badly mauled roads and railroads of the western part of Colombia State. These areas were relatively remote, but were significant in that the infrastructure in this area supported and maintained the vital port of Buenaventura, one of the main Pacific ports for Greater Colombia. Any electrical engineering with these units units would be tasked to work alongside ColoComm Telecommunications in restoring and laying new fiber optic communications lines in these areas.

The rest of the American Commonwealth forces would be distributed to mainly metropolitan areas, in an effort to assist with the distribution of food and assist with providing basic services to civilians if needed. These efforts would be mostly dedicated to the metropolitan districts of Caracas, Medellin, Cali, Barcelona, El Tigre, and Monteria. If combat engineering forces from the 72nd Infantry were available, they would be tasked to move into Northeast Colombia State, to help with demining efforts along the border. A string of thank you notes would begin arriving in Washington, D.C. from Colombia, from both the government of Colombia, as well as civilians who were very appreciative of the help they were getting from their northern neighbors.

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[quote][b]To: [/b][b]The Ministry of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[b]From: [/b][b]Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard[/b]
[b]CC: Office of Foreign Arms Sales, Colombian Foreign Ministry[/b]
[b]Subject:[/b][b] RE:RE:RE:Naval Expansion[/b]

Mr. Valmy,

Quite alright about your slow reply, we can certainly relate about such ministerial changes, as our country is in the midst of a flurry of political and social reforms, that include various shifting amongst ministers and the like. That said, after consulting with our shipwrights, material procurement teams, and the Foreign Ministry's Foreign Arms Sales (FAS) Division with the designs you enclosed, the pricetag on each carrier will come out to around 8.5 Billion Bolivarian Dollars. Approximately a third of this price is expected in a down payment at the time of laying down the carrier, to pay for labor charges over the course of construction, if you need a long term financing plan, the Colombian Ministry of Finance can negotiate one with you if you'd like.

The pricetag on these carriers include a standard ship-wide fiber-optic communication system, which allows for faster transmission of data throughout the entire vessel, and excludes our advanced electronics, sensors, and early warning equipment, which can be installed by your own technicians. We can provide you with a two-reactor propulsion system, which will make the carrier just as fast versus the smaller reactors you selected, pricing will be unaffected by this, but reactor cooling mechanisms will be moderately more efficient, and the need for extra nuclear propulsion technicians will be reduced with a smaller number of reactors. The pricetag also includes mounts for point-missile-defense but no installation, as well as optionally selected an electromagnetic aircraft launching catapult, versus a high-pressure steam system.

Best Regards,

[i]Lela Fuentes[/i]
[b]Head of External Sales[/b][/quote]

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Although the nationalization of the Greater Colombian oil industry would be met initially with some internal dissent against state control of the energy sector, this dissent would steadily erode over the course of three months. Having kept a number of key figures in the oil and natural gas industry as members of the government's Energy Council, the competent ones anyways, whilst disposing with the overly-greedy and the overly-vocal. Whilst middle management would keep its jobs, the executives of the powerful oil and natural gas lobby were declawed in the single swipe of Ignacio de Ardanza's pen, and their judicial pleas would essentially be laughed at from the first court throughout a series of national courts of appeals. The monopoly of the energy sector would essentially set the government up to utilize profits from their oil sales to fund an overhaul to the national healthcare system as well as educational systems that were being redeveloped in the wake of the war against Athens.

The windfalls of rebuilding and development aid from various allies and friends would help fund overhauls to the new public energy sector, including modernization of refining facilities and pumping facilities, as well as fund initial payments on a new cross-country pipeline from Ciudad Bolivar to Buenaventura and the building of facilities for procuring oil from tar-sands. The government would also begin the process of reorganizing the response measures in place to combat disasters involving the oil and natural gas infrastructure, utilizing lessons learned from the Colombian-Athenian war to place oil crisis response teams at more logical places. Training for local fire and police departments would be more extensive in containment and response, and emergency services communications would be better secured to ensure strikes against one of the country's most vital resources were efficiently handled.

In other developments to the country utilizing foreign aid, the educational and healthcare systems would both benefit immensely from the aid, with an eye to the future of Colombia, and ensuring the health and wellness of all citizens.

Educational funding would be targeted at the lowest ages in the school systems, as well as those in secondary education and the years right before it. Emphasis would be placed on reading and comprehension, as well as math skills in lower age groups, while secondary educational systems would get targeted reforms at making classrooms more interactive. Emphasis was put on physical reinforcement of things learned in the classroom, with teachers being given new standards to abide by in an effort to cater to a wider variety of learning styles. Sciences would get a heavy boost of funding, as did technical and math disciplines, and the liberal arts were given boosts of funding in all schools to institute interactive reforms that would make curriculum more desirable to learn about.

In an effort to ensure Colombian competitiveness post-graduation, students were required to take at least two years of a foreign language, and were given extra consideration for government scholarships and educational funding in post-secondary education if they took more than two years. Colombian universities required students to take four years of a language, with business and commerce disciplines required to take one language for four, and two years of one other. In an effort to ensure parental involvement in student learning, a key to success, each public institution would host Secretariat of Education Outreach Advisers who would perform mandatory small-group workshops with at least one parent within the household every month. These workshops would discuss particular student strengths as well as areas of improvement, what could be done in the household to help the student in their studies, as well as setting future goals, including setting aside money for college early on.

Health and wellness would see foreign aid go to hospital retrofits and expansion, and providing further training for staff of the hospital as well as emergency response personnel. Along with additional oil revenues, the hiring of extra specialists at various hospitals around the country would increase patient survival, and providing more extensive outpatient services would reduce the need for return visits. Further training for staff, as well as a concurrently-run health system review would target inefficient practices and personnel that were repeat offenders of said practices, and these individuals would be targeted for re-training or complete termination at the behest of the Home Affairs' Health Secretariat. This would boost hospital efficiency and ensure the best services for Colombian citizenry when they put their hands in the hospitals around the nation.

As part of a measure to increase wellness in the population, the government would use foreign funding to also begin the purchase of large out-of-use buildings in various cities and towns throughout the country, and after refurbishing and retrofitting the building, turn them into gyms and exercise centers. These community centers would host a variety of activities, all government-run and condoned, and include subsidized after-school programs, coordinated with local school districts. Memberships with the exercise centers would be cheap and provide members with access to a variety of well-maintained facilities and machines, with government-licensed personal trainers available for setting up exercise routines and diets for users. These facilities would be open for free to all emergency services, military, and government employees and their families, with emergency services and reserve military personnel being required to put in an hour of exercise three times a week to ensure proper levels of fitness.

The only targeted area of military importance that came from external funding was that of communications, retrofitting regional integrated air defense centers with new locations, and keeping their location completely classified. Signals transmissions from regional air defense centers were done by hardwired fiber-optics, to wireless transmission/reception arrays that were located away from the command centers themselves, and extra transmission and reception arrays were kept in reserve to help as backup at major command centers. These retrofits to the integrated command network would complement with the increase of early warning coastal-based mobile truck mounted and static radar arrays that could track ballistic missiles with their ELR mode, as well as track an average subsonic, reduced-visibility cruise missile at an acceptable rate that could ensure intercept by friendly anti-missile defenses. These radars alone can track up to one-thousand airborne targets, and one hundred surface targets when in dual search mode, and could coordinate with a nearby mobile or fixed multifunction radar to provide accurate interception courses.

Oil profits would also be used to help fund the first round of payments for the country's revitalizing Navy, which would be essentially continue to use the same designs as before, although some designs would see some alterations. Heavy corvettes would be fitted with the ability to launch a small-scale strategic strike package, utilizing peripheral vertical launch tubes to mount cruise missiles, or extra anti-ship missiles or surface-to-air missiles. This similar system would be mounted on the rear weapons decks of the newest members of the [i]Boyaca[/i]-class Fleet Aircraft Carriers, which would see a battery of similarly-designed armored peripheral vertical launch tubes provide the fleet carriers with their own ability to launch up to fifty cruise missiles or anti-ship missiles, or extra surface-to-air missiles. All of these developments, including the ones made to communications, radar early warning posts and the naval designs, would of course, be considered classified, and information not available to the general public or media.

For the foreign governments who requested information on where their funding was going, a detailed breakdown of government programs would be given, except detailing exactly what military components were benefiting from communications retrofits. The rest of the list would detail reforms that were underway, as well as future plans that were being built upon with the funding, and how it was benefiting the average Colombian citizen...

Edited by TheShammySocialist
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[b]Classified[/b]

With the Colombian Armed Forces' experiences in dealing with long-range penetration strikes of its airspace utilizing subsonic low-observable cruise missiles, the joint-services Colombian National Defense Command (CNDCOMM), an organization that almost ceased to exist during the de Santa Anna takeover because of the number of loyalist officers, was revitalized with a new task. That task was to design a system that would augment existing early warning systems and provide ground-based early warning services against long-range penetration attacks that had badly mauled the defense infrastructure in the interior of the country. Already the architect of Colombia's over-the-horizon radar, satellite dazzling equipment, and the secretive static coastal defense known as Project Long Sword, CNDCOMM's secretive Brigadier Jacqueline Uribe and her brilliant Technology Research and Development Division would respond to the request by bringing together researchers from her own staff, as well as the Synergy Group and the National University of Venezuela's Polytechnic Faculty for a solution.

After putting some thought into the matter, Uribe would return to the CNDCOMM, General Staff, and Ministry of Defense with her proposed solution, which the Synergy Group designers labeled AS/ASR-1X Radar, which would provide the Colombian Armed Forces and CNDCOMM with one of the most efficient and effective anti-penetration systems known to date. The system was designed to augment existing systems by utilizing a signal on the UHF band where radar-absorbent material proved to be less efficient in hiding aircraft, as well as essentially impossible to completely eradicate. The system would be effective against both missiles and aircraft attempting to penetrate the coastal regions, shielding the interior by providing intercept solutions for integrated aerial defense systems, including both aerial interception, as well as radar-directed anti-aircraft artillery and most important, high speed surface-to-air missiles from both static and mobile positions.

The system worked by utilizing hundreds of low-cost, easy-to-maintain-and-replace signal transmitters, which would transmit on stepped frequencies so as to provide the location of the transmission beam, whilst utilizing a handful of smart receivers to intercept the data. Although the AS/ASR-1X abilities for over-the-horizon tracking were very limited, the system was not designed specifically for that task, rather it was designed as an anti-penetration system, when an aircraft or object moved between the transmitters and receivers, it would take advantage of the bistatic radar cross-section of the aircraft, and the "shadow" RCS behind the object which could also be traced. The stepped nature of the frequencies would essentially provide a rangefinding solution for integrated aerial defenses, and if a handful of transmissions picked up the intruding object, a firing solution could be accurate within a meter of the target itself.

Instead of large radar posts, the AS/ASR-1X Radar relied on hundred of small transmission antennae that would prove next to impossible to eliminate in a short period of time, ensuring a semblance of anti-penetration coverage throughout a long-term conflict. To link the smart, high-process receiving units to the integrated aerial defense system, the Colombian Armed Forces would utilize both satellite communications and backup hardwired fiber optic approach that would connect with localized and regional air defense centers and their associated systems. Uribe would also propose that the AS/ASR-1X would have full maintenance staff with full stocks of spare parts that could repair or replace downed transmission or receiver units to keep the system functional throughout an armed conflict.

Uribe's proposal to the CNDCOMM would be accepted immediately, and Synergy Group would be tasked with producing a working prototype for the Colombian Armed Forces within three months, with a planned deployment in nine months if testing went well. The system would also be fully able to integrate itself into the [i]Illapa[/i] Combat Management System, and work alongside other data receivers to provide Colombian military commanders with a solid picture of incoming threats and how to deal with them efficiently. Not only was the project desirable due to the low coast of the transmission units, which ranged around one hundred and fifty to two hundred thousand dollars, but it the transmission units also only needed a moderate amount of actual power for their transmitters.

Edited by TheShammySocialist
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[quote][b]To: [/b][b]Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard[/b]
[b]From: [/b][b]The Ministry of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[b]Subject:[/b][b] RE:RE:RE:RE:Naval Expansion[/b]

Mrs Fuentes,

We accept this reasonable pricing and would be happy to accept the offer of yours to work out a long-term payment scheme. We would prefer a scheme that would allow us to pay up to 50% now, with the other 50% being paid in annual rates, stretched over the construction time of the first 4 ships. The second patch of 2 carriers would then already be paid at the arrival of the first 4 ships. If this would be acceptable for you.

Additionally, we approve of the changes in the design and thank you already in advance for the cooperation in this issue.

With regards,

[i]Adéle Valmy[/i]
[b]Minister of Defense of Faraway[/b][/quote]

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[quote][b]To: [/b][b]The Ministry of Defense of Faraway[/b]
[b]From: [/b][b]Maracaibo Naval Arsenal and Shipyard[/b]
[b]CC: Office of Foreign Arms Sales, Colombian Foreign Ministry[/b]
[b]Subject:[/b][b] RE:RE:RE:RE:RE:Naval Expansion[/b]

Mr. Valmy,

We have processed the requests you have made, and the first batch of your carriers are under construction at Maracaibo Shipyard's Slips' Seven, Nine, Ten, and Eleven, and will be ready as soon as humanly possible. All outstanding debts are to be settled with the Colombian Treasury, if there is any questions you may have about the construction of your ships, your government is welcome to dispatch a delegation of officials or officers to personally tour and watch over the ships as they are constructed.

Any adjustments to the vessels whilst they are under construction are subject to possible additional charges after this point, depending on the extent of changes, we thank you for doing business with Colombia's shipbuilding industry. We look forward to any further possible commercial enterprises with your country.

Best Regards,

[i]Lela Fuentes[/i]
[b]Head of External Sales[/b][/quote]

Edited by TheShammySocialist
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