Lestari

I know I'm only marginally involved in the war at hand, but I have to say I support this, if primarily because I'm generally opposed to retcons of any kind. I'm sure as hell not gonna ask you to RP out damages or whatever if you don't have the time or the energy to, Zoot, but what happened happened, and I think there should be some RP-- if not from you, then from the others involved-- stating that the CSA collapsed from the pressures of fighting a war on so many fronts, or something like that. If everybody supports a retcon, though, I obviously can't argue that. All I managed was one post getting my navy in position and ready to kick ass before you had to go and piss all over my fun :P ... okay, so really, it's less about the retcon and more about the tinker gnome guild reconstruction RP.

The Paráense military had already been on high alert, given the ultimatum issued to Paraguay and the preparations undertaken for military action in the event that the Paraguayan government failed to abide by the stipulations put before it. Therefore, when the reports came in of the Confederacy's aggressive actions-- to say nothing of the detected launching of several nukes over South America, which threw Pará into an immediate frenzy of activity-- the nation was able to galvanise quite quickly to prepare for the possibility that war would once again engulf the continent. With vital locations such as airstrips, launch silos, and other similar sensitive military sites still under heavy security from the Paraguayan situation, and the army on standby for deployment, it was judged that Pará was fairly prepared in the event of a ground invasion-- however, that did not seem to be a threat, as the Republic was very clearly not a target of the Confederacy's psychopathic outburst of violence. It became all too evident, however, that Chile was, for one reason or another, very much in the Confederacy's crosshairs; the news of the unprovoked nuclear strikes against their neighbour hit many Paráense citizens hard, and it was not expected by those citizens that Pará would stand by to see the continent be the butt of a tantrum on the part of a North American nation. Were the armed forces capable, in a vacuum, of taking on the Confederacy's military head-on with any expectation of success? There could be no doubt that to claim such would have been madness. But the Confederacy was being piled on by its own neighbours, to say nothing of the inevitable Chilean retaliation, and with this in mind, Premier Vieira suspected Pará could participate in some capacity in the removal of another lunatic regime from the face of the Earth-- it was, after all, the duty of the Republic as a South American nation to do its part in seeing that any country that threatened the peace of the continent was repaid in kind. Therefore, the premier ordered Admiral Kaneda to direct the fleet previously deployed in the Atlantic not far from the coast of northern Pará up towards Cayo Fragoso, where Chile had stationed a naval base that would almost certainly have fallen under Confederate cross hairs. The fleet, totalling two Nimitz-class carriers, two Citadel-class arsenal ships, four Virginia-class attack submarines, and four Ohio-class ballistic missile submarines, as well as several Duke-class anti-submarine frigates and Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyers, set off on a fairly straightforward route for the Chilean base at Cayo Fragoso, to lend aid to the Chilean navy where necessary. It had not been confirmed at that point that Cayo Fragoso had been the subject of nuclear retaliation from the Confederacy, but there could have been no confirmation more definitive than the first-hand sight of the wreckage of the base, completely incinerated. Not a pleasant prospect, but the admiral sent back immediate word on the discovery of the burnt out husk of the base to the premier, who promptly enjoined Kaneda to direct the fleet further up to a base known to be located in the immediate proximity, owned by the Hudson Bay Federation. If the Confederates had seen fit to target Cayo Fragoso, then it was wholly possible, perhaps even probable, that the Federation's base had fallen under similar cross hairs. Sailing up the Cuban coast for the Federation base, the Paráense fleet eventually found the base, along with a lone Commonwealth carrier group stationed in the vicinity in the Caribbean. Kaneda hailed the Commonwealth fleet, requesting permission to join up with the carrier group to help keep the Confederate navy out of the Caribbean.

Yes.

"The Republic of Pará officially supports in full capacity the ultimatum issued by Chile against Paraguay. The Paraguayan government has proven at best aggressive and belligerent-- at worst, woefully ineffective and responsible for the suffering of its citizens, who wallow in the throes of poverty and overpopulation due to their government's incompetency. Pará will not accept for the people of South America to languish under the authority of such a bumbling farce that dares to calls itself a legitimate administration. When a system is infected by the surreptitious virus of corruption and incompetence, the only solution is to purge that system and replace its constituents with a qualified regime that proves far more satisfactory to the continued peace and cooperation of South American nations than the current government of Paraguay has." - Isabel Vieira Classified The Republic did not share a border with Paraguay, but the military went into full alert and prepared for a potential state of war if the Paraguayan government did not relent. Supply routes, key military sites, and airfields saw a quiet, furtive increase in military presence, lest such vital sites require immediate protection from attack. The ROTH radar system station at the remote Rondônia, not far from Ji-Paraná Airbase and the Rondôniense rainforest was put on high alert for any suspicious movement across and over South America, encompassing a 64 degree wedge-shaped area with a range totalling approximately 2,800 kilometres. This would enable the Paráense Air Force, which was currently being scrambled into patrols over Paráense airspace, to track and respond to any potential threats at a moment's notice; a wing of B-2 Spirit Stealth Bombers was prepared for offensive operations in case Paraguay needed the ever-loving shit bombed out of it. Otherwise, however, the Air Force was running purely defensive measures, patrolling Paráense airspace vigilantly. At sea, Admiral Fernanda Kaneda ordered the Paráense Navy to prepare for operations, directing the First Battle Fleet to take up positions on the Pacific off the Paráense coast at the Northern Sector. Thus, its ships, totalling two Nimitz-class carriers, two Citadel-class arsenal ships, two Duke-class anti-submarine frigates, four Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyers, four Virginia-class attack submarines, and four Ohio-class ballistic missile submarines, were put on full alert, patrolling the northern coast of the Republic. In addition to the missiles borne upon the submarines, the arsenal ships, and the destroyers, land-based missile sites would be prepped for launch, fitted with conventional intercontinental ballistic missiles. Furthermore, though Pará did not share a land border with Paraguay, the army was put on a similar level of alert, with the First Marine Division under Colonel Alex Valverde in particular prepared for battle operations should a direct land invasion of Paraguay prove necessary. That Pará itself would come under attack was by no means a major fear; nevertheless, the premier was not one known for being lulled into a sense of security, false or otherwise. Therefore, she ordered the underground bunker system beneath the Amazon to be put on alert as well. Furthermore, the citizens of the Republic were warned of a potential state of war in the coming days-- evacuation protocols, bomb shelters, the like. Currently, Pará was simply putting its military on alert, scrambling it into a defensive position for the time being: if Paraguay didn't stand down, the armed forces would truly begin to mobilise. Private "What the hell is happening here?" "We're preparing for a potential war with Paraguay, Colonel. I would have thought you'd have realised that by now." The premier's words, veritably dripping with a bitter sarcasm, did not placate her niece's brewing discontent. "You mean we're preparing to strong-arm a fellow South American nation with military force." "Well, now you're just bickering over semantics..." "Goddammit, Izzie!" The marine leapt up from the seat she had taken before Isabel's desk in the Capital Building, overcome with vexation; the premier merely raised an eyebrow at her rage, as though viewing a mildly interesting spectacle. "What's wrong with you? What happened to 'peace and diplomacy over all else'?" "Pará is not, I suspect, taken seriously as a player in South America," Isabel replied coolly, entirely unperturbed as she returned Alex's fierce glare with an impassive gaze. "It makes sense, of course. We have never really asserted our presence here as a continental force. We're the oldest nation in South America-- we've seen other countries rise and fall and watched as military conflict consumed our neighbours, but we remained spectators. I aim to change that." "So this has nothing to do with the 'idealism' you used to always parade around," the colonel retorted bitterly, slowly sinking back into the chair but refusing to remove her steely glare from the object of her interrogations. "It's just a matter of making an example?" "Not entirely. Paraguay really has proven a negligent and belligerent regime. Our data indicates--" "To hell with the data-- you're just using it as a justification for strong-arming." "That may be the case and it may not be the case. It's ultimately irrelevant. Playing moral arbiter proved ineffectual-- there's not much point in it if you can't back it up. What I'm doing is proving Pará can back it up. I was a fool to forget that if you're going to be the voice of reason in a world of belligerent thugs, it helps to have a gun behind your back just in case. Previously, it couldn't be helped-- we didn't have the resources, the power to back it up. But now Pará's military capabilities are burgeoning, increasing exponentially every day, and now is the time to demonstrate that we are stirring from passivity. That we are asserting our power as a regional force." Alex's brow furrowed as she mulled over the premier's words, watching over the First Marine Division as it underwent combat procedures in preparation for potential deployment. "Asserting our power..." she murmured under her breath. "Or rather, your own power. If that's how it is, maybe that power is the problem..."

"Pará knows all too well the disastrous consequences overpopulation can have on a nation's economy and, more importantly, on its people and living standards. Therefore, on the basis of the data concerning Paraguay's brewing overpopulation problem, I feel, speaking purely in a vacuum and regardless of the cause and other factors, that it is necessary to rectify the issue before it festers and worsens. That said, Chile raises a fair point: if this overpopulation is purely a result of inept policies, an increase in territory will essentially be naught but a band-aid over an amputated arm. Though our current data implies the overpopulation is the result of factors beyond the control of the Paraguayan government-- a massive population boom coinciding with insufficient land territory to accommodate the necessary infrastructure to harbour the result-- that their first course of action was military expansion is extremely telling, and none too pleasing. This is something that needs to be discussed with the leadership of Paraguay themselves-- to say nothing, of course, of the necessary gauging of the sentiments of the populations occupying the territories in question, who, I suspect, may not be fond of a nation that expressed a general lack of concern for their opinions."

Upon the agreement of interest rates and the period of time over which the full price for the order would be paid, the first down payment for the four Citadel-class arsenal ships would be wired to Damen South Africa, possibly through the South African Foreign Service.

Classified Communique to South Africa The Republic of Pará is interested in purchasing four arsenal ships from South Africa to replace its current battleship fleet. Would South Africa be interested in making such a deal?

After an interval of further discussion, in which specifics and details were more thoroughly hashed out, Isabel brought the conference to a gradual end with "I think we have a fairly good foundation for the beginning of South African - Paráense relations, President Paton." Premier Vieira had by that point produced a document delineating the various stipulations the heads of state had agreed on at the meeting; she signed her own name in a rather straightforward hand that was anything but ornate, and then extended it to Paton to sign on the points they had agreed on.

OOC: *cloned

"That seems a reasonable stipulation," Isabel remarked slowly, considering the proposition. It would certainly provide a more concrete foundation of relations between the two nations, and could prove advantageous in the future. On the other hand, there was also the real possibility that such an agreement would prove detrimental to Paráense security-- however, considering recent events, there was a stronger impetus to consider the benefits over the cons. "I think such a security agreement would be agreeable. I also propose a student exchange programme between Pará and South Africa, to encourage cooperation between our two nations and foster a cross-cultural exchange of information and social communication."

Citizen #74 writes in the Marscurian merely known as Dmitry.

Pará is willing and able to provide the funding and manpower that had previous been contributed by Argentina-- in addition, of course, to the funding Pará already funnels into the SAO.

Classified The Paráense armed forces had immediately been put on high alert in the advent of the Tianxian attack on Venezuela. The full force of the navy patrolled the Atlantic Ocean along the Paráense coast, vigilant for the all too real possibility that the Republic would come under attack. Within the underground network beneath the Amazon was a flurry of activity as the entire nation prepared for the threat of war on Pará's borders. The ROTHR systems, SAR capabilities, and all military satellites were put on full alert, the army mobilised its forces, and the air force began flying patrols in case of an aerial strike by Tianxian or Athenian forces. . . . "You're what?" "I don't feel the need to repeat myself, Alex." The premier's voice emerged from her thin, scarred lips in a blast of frigid ice as she purposefully strode through the halls of the underground bunker system beneath the Amazon rainforest, overseeing the preparation of the armed forces there. Her expression was as cold and calculating as her voice-- her stride aggressive and intent. Major General Valverde was anything but the picture of determined calm the premier had donned-- her face was twisted into an motley amalgamation of shock, rage, and indignance, and her fists were clenched as she followed Isabel almost desperately. "We're not going to fight those who have invaded our continent for no reason whatsoever?" Alex pressed furiously; she was so incensed that the words emerged choppily, as if she could barely control her disgust. Isabel remained coldly in control of herself. "We are not" was the curt reply. "I can't believe this!" the marine snarled bitterly. "All that rhetoric about protecting South America-- of justice, of honour-- and now we're going to just sit by complacently as an outside force invades our neighbours!" The premier wheeled around without warning, and the forced facade of calm was nowhere to be seen; her angular features had now contorted into an image of fury before which Alex's own rage was simply dwarfed, and the marine all but quailed. Isabel lunged forward, grabbed her niece by the collar, and all but lifted her from the ground as she pulled her up to her face. "It's not as simple as any of that!" she spat directly into the marine's face. "It's not purely a matter of numbers, or of honour, or of South America! There are eighty million people who live or die by my choices! And there are many-- too many-- who will die, without question, violently and in agony, if I leap into a war Pará cannot hope to win. Is it unjust?" Alex opened her mouth to answer indignantly, but the premier cut her off furiously. "Yes, it is fucking unjust. That I must watch the world's superpower stomp all over a sovereign South American nation for no reason whatsoever-- that I must live with the knowledge that thousands of people are dying for no goddamn reason whatsoever, and there is nothing I can do about it. There is no justice involved in any of it. But I must face facts. If I committed Pará to fighting this war, the only thing I would be helping is the body count. And I'm not willing to make that sacrifice for the sake of taking a moral stand here." Isabel at last released her vice-like grip on Alex, who staggered back to the floor, looking stricken. The towering ex-colonel looked utterly disgusted-- not with her niece, but with Tianxia, with the war, and above all, with herself. "You have the luxury of looking at this as a soldier. Twenty years ago, I had that luxury. I no longer do. Now I am cursed with the cross of having to see it all the way it is, not the way I'd like it to be, with honour, with justice, with Pará taking a stand in the name of our continent and our neighbours in the face of certain defeat. You may see justice somewhere down that path, but you fail to see the blood and guts you'll be wading through on the way." The premier had turned away to begin walking once more when Alex muttered, under her breath, "Then you really have changed." Without turning back, Isabel answered, "Yes, yes I have. But it was never going to be easy being the leader of a nation, and it's never going to be easy to do the right thing." Public "The tragic spectre of war has once again come upon South America, this time in the form of an unjust, unprovoked invasion by Tianxia. If Venezuela had done anything to provoke such violence, then Tianxia has neglected to provide such evidence, instead citing vague references to 'the revolution' as if such a farce of an excuse at all explains the bloodshed that South America is now host to. And now Chile claims to possess very credible evidence that Venezuela was 'plotting against Chile', and therefore has deigned also to go to war against Venezuela. Meanwhile, Argentina and Zulia burn for leaping to the defence of an ally that has become the subject of an unjust and violent wrath. And all the while, such phrases as 'blood is going to flow' and 'heads will be displayed on pikes' are tossed around casually. Let me make one thing clear as of right now: Pará is neutral in this festering cesspool of violence and death. I am unwilling to throw the lives of my people into the flames of a pointless war that cannot be won for a nonsensical cause. For Pará to declare war on Tianxia would do nothing but spread the death and destruction to a nation that is and shall remain utterly uninvolved. One can throw around such rhetoric as 'We must defend South America!' or 'We must combat this grave injustice!', but in the end, such rhetoric only ever means sending my people to their deaths. Do I shy away from calling it a grave injustice? No-- allow me to unequivocally and unilaterally denounce Tianxia's actions as those of a warmonger and a bully-- worse than that, as those of a nation willing and capable of destroying countless lives, militant and civilian, Venezuela's as much as their own, in the name of 'the revolution'. Am I willing to ignite a war we cannot win, pile on more and more bodies to a rising death toll, and put on the line the lives I am sworn to protect at all cost, in the name of combating that injustice? I am not. Pará will have nothing to do with Tianxia, as an enemy or as anything like an ally in this war. We will remain staunchly neutral. On the subject of Chile's accusations against Venezuela, in the advent of the wave of violence consuming South America, I find these vague allegations of a Venezuelan plot against Chile to be anything but comforting, and would instead request that Chile provide incriminating evidence if it wishes for its accusation to be taken seriously. For what reason, after all, would Venezuela be plotting against Chile at this point, as Tianxian soldiers push further into their nation with little to no real resistance? These promises of 'Venezuelan blood to be spilt' and 'heads on pikes in front of the Presidential Mansion' elicit no support from me or from the nation of Pará, and the demands that South American nations are 'with Chile or against Chile' will evoke only one reaction: Pará is neither. Let me restate it one last time: Pará is neutral. We will suffer no attack on our own sovereignty, from Chile, from Tianxia, from any nation, but Pará will take no aggressive action unless blatantly provoked. We will not welcome a Tianxian invasion in the name of justice or defending South America. We will not kill Venezuelans on a vague accusation of a plot against Chile. Pará is and shall remain neutral." And with that, to a deafening silence, Premier Isabel Vieira stepped away from the podium, looking absolutely disgusted with all of it.

A review of Pará's electronic warfare capabilities revealed a glaring, potentially fatal lack of such systems. In light of recent events in South America, an immediate venture to improve Pará's ability to both wage and counter electronic warfare has been ordered by the premier, particularly in defending the underground tunnels that have been used by the military for potential use in guerrilla operations from electronic warfare. To this end, to begin with, the complex was upgraded with optical fibre wires, which were ideal not only due to their speed and relatively lower attenuation rate, but also because of their immunity to electromagnetic interference. The fibres were coated with UV-cured urethane acrylate composite materiels in order to make the delicate strands much more durable; a second external coating would protect the primary coating against mechanical damage and act as a barrier to lateral forces, and an internal coating was applied, designed to act as a shock absorber to minimize attenuation caused by microbending. Lastly, the fibres were secured in a metallic armour layer to provide even more protection to the fibres. These fibre-optic communications systems would eventually be applied not only in the underground bunkers but in vital military outposts, installations, and government facilities. Radar was also a particular arena in which Paráense capabilities were judged woefully lacking. Therefore, the premier ordered the design and construction of a ROTH radar system station at the remote Rondônia, not far from Ji-Paraná Airbase and the Rondôniense rainforest; in order to counter potential jamming measures, the ROTH system would use constantly alternating frequencies over a spread-spectrum at highly randomised frequencies, and outgoing signals would be cloaked with random noise as well. AESA (Active Electronically Scanned Array) systems were already present on the F-22 Raptor (which had since entirely supplanted the Su-25M) in the form of AN/APG-77 multifunction radar and the Boeing 737 AEW&C. An order was also put out for MIM-104 Patriot tactical air defence missile systems, equipped with the AN/MPQ-53 frequency-agile multifunction G/H-Band radar group, which would enable the system to perform surveillance, IFF (Identification Friend-or-Foe), tracking/guidance, and Electronic Counter Measure functions. Each AN/MPQ-53 was to be equipped with a 2.44 m diameter, 5,161-element phased-array planar configuration antenna array, with separate arrays for target detection and tracking, missile guidance and IFF functions, as well as an AN/TPX-46(V)7 interrogator, using a supplementary array adjacent the main circular search and track array on the antenna unit. Other supplementary arrays would provide sidelobe cancellation and missile guidance signal reception. Medium range mobile radar would be provided by ELM-2106 ATAR (Advanced Tactical Acquisition Radar) systems, which were effective in detecting a wide variety of low RCS targets such as low-flying fighter aircraft, helicopters, low velocity ultra lights, UAVs, and drones. The ELM-2106 was characterised by its ability to automatically detect airborne targets and track and scan up to 100 of them with the aid of target differentiation and classification systems. Like the AN/MPQ-53, the ELM-2106 possessed IFF capabilities, and its low power consumption made it much more difficult to detect. It possessed extensive electronic counter-counter measure capabilities, as well as digital beam forming, pulse compression, and receiver technologies. Infrared camera technology would also be expanded in a number of ways. The underground bunkers used by the military would be outfitted with infrared thermal technical surveillance counter measures to prevent surveillance and bugging; these would be augmented with more sensitive magnetic equipment to detect bugs that do not emit radio waves. The Target Task Performance (TTP) metric had been applied to all military imaging sensors, as well as the ACQUIRE-LC approach for low contrast infrared targets. LIDAR technologies were being looked into, specifically Ultraviolet Laser Induced Fluorescence (UV-LIF). Such high resolution systems would be able to identify specific targets and identify the presence of bio-threats and enable rapid detection of a bioaerosol release and allow for timely implementation of counter measures; the design and construction of both short-range compact spectrometric lidar (SR-SCL) systems and Long-Range Biological Standoff Detection System (LR-BSDS) was ordered by the premier in light of the review of LIDAR technology. Next on the review list was synthetic aperture radar systems, installed generally on both aircraft and satellites. SAR capabilities were already present in Paráense satellites, but it was also being looked into with regards to being installed on various reconnaissance aircraft frames. Furthermore, an order was put out for EA-18G Growler electronic warfare crafts, to be fitted with up to five ALQ-99 jamming pods and the INCANS Interference Cancellation system, which would allow voice communication while jamming enemy communications. In addition to the radar warning and jamming equipment the Growlers would be equipped with a communications receiver and jamming system that would provide suppression and electronic attack against airborne communication threats; these aircraft would fly missions with F-22 Raptors to increase their anti-electronic warfare capabilities. Furthermore, acoustic boomerang systems were now being implemented in the Paráense Army-- both the standard and the Warrior-X Boomerang systems. The Boomerang systems would be mounted on various vehicles, including all-terrain and others more suited to urban traversal, whilst the Warrior-X systems would be supplied primarily to marines and other special forces before it began to trickle down to the army. The Boomerang systems were part of an effort towards integration of the Paráense armed forces-- the Boomerang system would pinpoint and track gunfire, feeding the general location of its origin to both soldiers and to drones, who could then use the information to take out the target.

Isabel perceived what was perhaps a slight note of shock to the secretary's expression for some reason, though he did not hesitate in answering. "A very good question indeed," Gonzalez replied, pausing to drink before he proceeded. "Being a small nation in South America, our policies are internal-- we do not see ourselves as anything other than that. Of course, we do what we can to help the SAO out in certain areas with doctors and volunteers. Our aspirations within the continent are to remain a voice for peace and unity between the nations in the area. South America's history is full of wars, disagreements and ideological differences. We intend to oppose such things and maintain a voice of peace. As far as the world as a whole we see ourselves at a more quiet tone. Really, as long as our government is in power, we do not see the need to attempt to influence world politics." "Hm." Isabel seemed to mull over the words briefly, before a minute semblance of a smile pulled at her thin lips. "I think, then, that is a stance shared by our two administrations. South America has indeed seen turbulent times since the days of the Holy American Empire, but Pará has since its inception been dedicated to fostering cooperation with other South American nations, and utilising any means necessary to mitigate elements we feel are not conducive to such aims. For this reason, we've been wary of recent events, namely the rise of several nations in the past year. You may think it paranoid, perhaps, but I feel caution is a necessity in these tenuous times." Isabel paused, gauging Gonzalez's reaction to the words, before continuing. "I believe an economic agreement is always beneficial, and certainly conducive to the beginnings of cordial relations between two nations. Pará offers much in the way of raw materiels-- zinc, for example, or tungsten, among others. Our mine in the Carajás Mountains alone has produced over two hundred and fifty million metric tons of iron in the past year. So if it's iron, zinc, bauxite, manganese, any such raw materiels that Zulia requires, Pará is more than capable of providing for your country."

Isabel would have been lying if she'd claimed she wasn't a bit taken aback by the enthusiastic reception she encountered upon arriving at the capitol building-- by the Zulian public, no less. It was certainly a... grand spectacle, on the outside, and not purely for the Zulian citizens who flanked the entry to the capitol building. A vast banner bearing the Zulian flag rippled in the cool breeze high up above the building, and the stately seat of the Zulian government loomed over the towering premier as she approached the man she presumed to be the Zulian Secretary of Foreign Affairs, one Jesus Gonzalez. He extended his hand, and Isabel returned the handshake with a firm grip, nodding in greeting to the secretary. "Welcome to your country," the secretary greeted her. "I trust your travel went well." "It did," Isabel replied succinctly as they proceeded into the designated meeting room, a vastly simpler affair than what lay outside and therefore much more attuned to the premier's personal preferences. It was, perhaps, one aspect of the military career that succeeded a less than affluent upbringing that she could be grateful for-- that she had never quite managed to fall into the complacent arms of leisure and opulence that she had in her days as a colonel seen so many heads of state fall victim to. No-- she, for her part, remained firmly rooted in a predilection for the simplistic and the straightforward. They sat at a small table prepared with little more than a white clothe and the banners of the Republic and Zulia, whereupon the Zulian delegate offered a tumbler of scotch which Isabel politely declined with a cordial smile. "I'm glad you decided to come to our nation on such short notice," Gonzalez continued as they proceeded on past the drinks and delved into the discussion. "The reason we have brought you here is to talk about the opening of trade between our nations. It is our hope that we can develop a relationship from this." "And I've come because Zulia is one of several nations that has in the past few months succeeded in achieving sovereignty," Isabel replied evenly. "For which I offer congratulations and goodwill. It's always more than pleasing to see the people of South America exercising their right to self-determination, though it is also necessary to ensure newcomers to our continent pursue a policy conducive to a cooperative, peaceful South America. And I doubt there's any better way to get a handle on what role a nation is destined to play in the annals of South American history and community than a face to face meeting with those who forge its foreign policy. So, for that reason, before we begin any definitive economic discussions, allow me to put a question to you, Mr. Gonzalez: where does Zulia see itself in South America-- what are its aspirations, its goals, its intents for itself, the continent, and the world?"

The South African president agreed with regards to economic stipulations, and then suggested an addendum of his own. "I might also be amenable to adding additional non-economic amendments to this agreement, if you are interested in such things," he remarked with a shrug. "I think that may be an avenue worth looking into," Isabel replied evenly. "What do you have in mind, potentially?"

It was about time Isabel acquainted herself with some of the newly risen nations throughout South America that had secured independence in recent months. It seemed almost, if she could be forgiven for venturing such a term, an epidemic of independence-- Zulia, Uruguay, Paraguay, Venezuela-- all the sites of independence movements that had rapidly gained ground and birthed newfound South American nations. And to be sure, it was always a good thing when the population of a given region at last secured hard-fought, well-deserved sovereignty. But maybe it was the lingering vestiges of the pessimist in Isabel that reminded her that more sovereign nations meant more potential to fuck up the all too tenuous peace that yet reigned over South America. Old habits die hard, they say. After fifty years of looking at the world through the lens of a cynic and all too often being proven right to do so, maintaining a positive outlook on shit could be a chore for the former colonel turned Paráense premier. And, had she been the same person she'd been back when she was a soldier, it was wholly probable Izzie woulda decided "Fuck it, these ass holes are gonna fuck this shit up." And left it right at that. Then again, that was the same soldier who'd made an occasional habit of amusing herself by juggling combat knives; Isabel liked to think she'd learned a thing or two since then. One of them was that you really shouldn't try juggling things made to kill people if you have absolutely zero experience juggling anything. And another thing she'd learned, even though she'd fought it every damn step of the way back then, was that you had to give people a chance to show the good before you immediately started lookin' for the bad. Guess I can just count myself fortunate that it's Premier Vieira going to this meeting and not Colonel Vieira, Isabel mused idly, watching the thick blanket of white cloud stretching out into the distance beneath the plane bearing her towards the Zulian capitol. Of Zulia, she knew admittedly little-- they were, of course, a nascent country, and they had had little time to demonstrate publicly whether they would prove an asset to the South American community... or a liability that needed to be treated as such. That was something Isabel intended to find out in this upcoming discussion.

"You are quite right," Paton concurred, a smile overtaking his features as he clasped his hands together. "Though metals can form bonds that are seemingly stronger than any that skin and bones can, it is ideas and the unifying force they can build that are stronger than any bomb or bullet. South Africa is a nation that has seen the world pass it by on occasion, has passed off the continent of Africa as lost, has watched dreams crumble around us, seen nations come and go. We look to form a strong bond between nations that remember their pasts, cherish the present, look to the future, moving forward as a community of progressive nations in both relations with one another, as well as actions within their borders. To look to form bonds of friendship with nations that are relevant in both their region, and can be relevant in the world at large. The South Atlantic is a growing community of nations, one that is relevant, and very important to both ourselves, and as a conduit for the world at large. We are looking to bulwark our existence in the world at large, to write a legacy of cooperation and partnership in something the world hasn't seen in a long time." These words prompted a slight smile to flash across Isabel's mouth. "Well said," she agreed succinctly. "I think we may have many goals and aspirations in common, President Paton." And, with that understood-- at least on the premier's part-- she dispensed of any further needless talk, feeling it prudent now to simply get down to the business at hand. "That said, I believe for our purposes a bilateral economic agreement of some kind would be a suitable starting point-- encouraging investment in Paráense and South African businesses, reduction of tariffs regarding certain goods and services, incentives to incite interaction between businesses of our respective nations. Would such a beginning be agreeable to you?"

"On behalf of the Republic of Pará, I extend a hearty welcome to a newly risen Venezuela, and anticipate a new addition to a vibrant, cooperative South America." - Premier Isabel Vieira

TBM, Shammy, Curristan.

"We are hoping the resurgence of a South African state has a positive effect on Africa," Paton remarked, drinking of the cup of erva-mate briefly before he spoke. "We look forward to building on a tradition of stability that has been left for us by others, but also building on that to expand our horizons beyond the continent. South Africa is relatively far-separated from other nations in the world, by the continent of Africa itself, or by water, but on that same token, we accept the world as it is today. Fast seaborne and airborne transport and technology makes this world closer than it has ever been before, and we embrace that reality well. We are hoping not only to build a strong and lasting regional commitment, but also one that spans across the globe, extending a hand of friendship to those that share similar economic and social ambitions and ideas." The president and his chief of staff shared a glance before he added, "It seems that you share similar ideas from your desire to push outwards from relative isolation and regional politics in South America." Isabel nodded. "That is true. It is my intent to create in Pará an active participant in the ongoing globalisation of the world-- as you've said, it's easier to build relations with nations and leaders who share one's own ambitions for their country, their continent, the world. Previously I had been concerned largely with South America-- with seeking to forge a continent of unity and peace, the better to discourage a return of the spectre of the Holy American Empire... which, as you may know, reappeared just a couple of years ago in a civil war that tore apart the Umbrella Commonwealth." She did well to keep a cool head and expression in speaking of that distressing incident, but the mere thought of a wide-scale movement actually [I]desiring[/I] a return to that system was every bit as vexing as it had been then, and the consideration of it conjured the essence of a scowl pulling at the corners of her thin lips. "That, however, as with all things claimed by the Empire, ended only in tragedy." "Today," she continued. "The atmosphere in South America is such that we can look to a promising future beyond the continent's borders as well. A reborn South Africa certainly caught our eye; as has been said, whether it was known as Transvaal or as Arctica, the region of South Africa has historically been a bulwark of stability and peace, and I don't doubt you intend to live up to that reputation. I felt, therefore, South Africa and Pará would perhaps have much to offer one another-- we are both, after all, fairly recent additions to the annals of international history, and seeking to establish ourselves in those pages. Economically speaking, Pará offers much in the way of raw materiels-- iron, bauxite, manganese, zinc, tungsten-- much of it mined from the Carajás Mountains, which in the last year produced over two hundred and fifty million metric tons of iron alone. Though..." She paused for a moment as a wry smile pulled at her lips. "I've always felt economic bonds are pittances to bonds of ideology and intent-- which is why sooner than I would ask what earthly materiels Pará and South Africa can offer one another, I would ask what South Africa's vision for itself is-- what its vision for, as you've said, the South Atlantic as a whole is, what its vision for its place in the world is." Isabel fell silent then, drinking of her own cup of tea as she contentedly awaited the reply of the South Africans.

"South Africa has had mixed fortunes since its independence," Paton answered as the car approached the designated meeting area at a leisurely pace. "we've experienced some economic progress despite labor disputes between unions and labor leaders, and corporate executives. That has mostly died down due to both groups losing support due to the disputes fueling what is happening in Mozambique." Isabel said nothing as the president paused, interested in hearing more about the case of Mozambique; however, it was Chief of Staff Zawilza who elabourated on the answer, articulating with colourful gestures of his hands as he spoke. "Mozambique is a case of labor groups fighting for my rights, having their cause hijacked, and transformed into militancy by a local homegrown group of militant socialism. While Mr. Paton's Union Party supports some left wing ideals that include market controls and state-planned economics to ensure the best for our people, the people that rose in Mozambique are looking to capitalize on the labor instability, and they have. Unfortunately that has led to bloodshed and local disorder-- the military is doing its best, but it's still a skeleton force of what is due to become eventually." "I'm sorry to hear you've met such an obstacle so early in your nation's existence," Isabel replied, expression largely impartial but tone tinged with an appropriate degree of understanding and perhaps even condolence. "That some would seek to sabotage a newborn nation's progress rather than seek a rational, peaceful compromise is... shameful." And she fell silent, until Paton reciprocated the question. "Might I float the same question to you, Premier-- how does Pará fare in this world? Do you have any political goals you are pushing for at this time?" "Pará continues to grow, economically and otherwise, at a steady rate," Isabel answered. "Poverty and unemployment rates are at an all time low, the economy is booming, and the space programme, which has been the focus of much funding and attention in Pará, is proving quite successful. These are all, of course, internal developments, and Pará has regrettably seen something of an isolationist phase in regards to its foreign policy. I'm breaking that practice now, and seeking to establish Pará as a potential player internationally by opening up relations with countries beyond South America." The car continued down a gentle incline towards the beach, where lay a structure-- something like a villa, one could suppose, though it certainly lacked the grandeur and size to accommodate such a term. It did, however, like much of Castanhal's general aesthetic, eschew grandeur for a simpler elegance. Therein would be waiting a small table, exposed to the sea air, with a number of chairs surrounding it. The premier vanished briefly from the small alcove the South Africans had been brought to, overlooking the coastline and, not far along the coast, Castanhal itself, returning only a moment later with cups of warm erva-mate tea, which she brought before Paton and Zawilza. "Mate tea has a long tradition in Brazilian cultures, and Pará in particular," she said by way of brief explanation, as she too seated herself. "I hope you'll find it agreeable." That having been said... "I must say, I was most glad to see an independent South Africa return to Africa, which has seen much turmoil as of late. South Africa has traditionally been home to stalwart bastions of stability-- Transvaal and Arctica, namely, which remained generally peaceful and stable excepting their sudden and unexpected downfalls. Hopefully the return of an independent South Africa can bring some stability to a war-plagued continent."

A special fund of two hundred million reals had been set aside for the funding of the South American Organisation overseeing the unaligned territories of South America, as well as personnel to train and support local authorities in administrative capacities. The funds would be put to use organising the coalition, and to help in creating a foundation of infrastructure upon which local authorities, bolstered by funding and training, could build, thus providing the unaligned territories a basis of self-sufficiency to ease progress towards independence.

At the mention of Montessori's HAE service, Isabel had to resist the urge to ask whether he'd been a loyalist during the Civil War. It wasn't an inquiry she felt would go down well in this context, however, so she merely remarked, "In light of Montessori's evident qualifications, I'm compelled to voice approval instead for him. I'll be sure to have a more in-depth look into these individual's qualifications and history when I have the opportunity."