El Universal

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Formation of the Mexican Armed Forces

Ciudad de Mexico, July 20, 20XX
Written by Pedro Rafael

In one of the first meetings with President Luis Alvaro Bourbon, newly-appointed Secretary of National Defense (Secretarío de la Defensa Nacional, SEDENA) Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda presented the President a plan for the establishment of the Mexican Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas de Mexico, FAM).

The plan called for the establishment of a centralized national headquarters and territorial command center system, formation of a professional non-commissioned officers (NCO) corps, establishment of military academies and colleges, and stipulated the recruitment of 70,000 troops and personnel in the next few years. Recruitment offices were to be established in Mexican cities and towns to enlist citizens aged 18 through 22 into the FAM to serve for three years; the Army was to consist of infantry brigades, independent regiments, and auxiliary battalions. In turn, military officers and personnel were to receive training from Hudson Bay military personnel, and military procurement boards would be formed to procure weaponry and equipment from the Hudson Bay Armed Forces. There were no plans to establish a sizeable Air Force or Navy; for the time being, Mexico would maintain a brown-water navy to police its coasts utilizing gunboats and patrol boats armed with anti-ship missiles, and a small air force consisting of trainer, reconnaissance, and transport aircrafts. The border guard would be separate from the FAM, to be placed under the aegis of the Secretariat of the Interior (Secretaría de Gobernación, SEGOB).

The expansion of the Army were to be roughly proportional to the downsizing of Hudson Bay forces within their withdrawal period. This meant that, for instance, when a certain amount of Hudson Bay troops withdrew, the same number of Mexican troops would take their place. This was designed to ensure a smooth transition of power throughout Mexico.

After President Bourbon approved of the plan, a bill would be introduced in the newly-convened National Assembly. After deliberations, the deputies voted by a comfortable majority to pass the bill, where it was signed into law by the President, formally establishing the FAM. A related bill was also voted upon and passed into law as well, authorizing funding for the Secretariat of National Defense and the FAM.

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Cabinet appointed

Ciudad de Mexico, July 22, 20XX
Written by Albert Hernandez

President Luis Alvaro Bourbon has finished making appointments for positions in the Cabinet of Mexico, with the exception of the Attorney General, which will need to be ratified by the National Assembly, and the Executive Branch Press Secretary announced it as such in a televised press conference in the capital. The Cabinet will serve for the duration of President Bourbon's term, save for resignation, incapacitation, or death.

The Cabinet goes as below:

• Secretary of the Interior (Secretario de Gobernación): Miguel Angel Osorio
• Secretary of Foreign Affairs (Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores): José Antonio Meade
• Secretary of Public Safety (Secretaria de Seguridad Pública): Hector Molina Nova
• Secretary of Finance (Secretario de Hacienda): Luis Videgaray Caso
• Secretary of Defense (Secretario de Defensa): Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda
• Secretary of Navy (Secretario de Marina): Roberto Soberon
• Secretary of Economy (Secretario de Economía): Ildefonso Guajardo
• Secretary of Public Relations (Secretario de Relaciones Públicas): George Lopez
• Secretary of Communications and Transportation (Secretario de Comunicaciones y Transportes): Gerardo Ruiz Esparanza
• Secretary of Labor (Secretario del Trabajo): Alfonso Navarrete
• Secretary of Social Security (Secretario del Previsión Social): Miguel Prida
• Secretary of Agriculture (Secretario de Agricultura): Enrique Martinez
• Secretary of Education (Secretario de Educación): Emilio Orozco
• Secretary of Tourism (Secretaria de Turismo): Claudia Ruiz Massieu
• Secretary of Agarian Development and Urban Planning (Secretario de Desarrollo Agrario, Territorial y Urbano): Jorge Carlos Ramirez

Other Cabinet-level administrative positions were appointed as well. Although not part of the Cabinet itself, these positions are nevertheless considered part of the federal government. They go as follows:

• Chief of Staff (Jefe de la Presidencia): Aurelio Nuno Mayer
• Head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (Jefe del Estado Mayor Presidencial): Robert Trejo Machete
• President of the National Council for Culture and Arts (Presidente del Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las artes): Rafael Tovar
• Director of National System for Integral Family Development (Director del Desarrollo Integral de la Familia): Theresa Zavala
• President of National Institute for Women (Presidente del Instituto Nacional para las Mujeres): Maria Rocco Garcia
• Commissioner for the Development of Indigenous Peoples (Comisionado para el desarrollo de pueblos indigenas): Luis Alvarez
• President of the National Sports Commission (Presidente del Comisión de Deportes Nacional): Bernardo de la Garza

Edited August 16, 2013 by Scofield

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Internal:

Among the unique developments in the United Mexican States in the two months following its restoration were the establishment of metropolitan districts (distritos metropolitanos). Seemingly inspired by the neighboring Distopyian Republic of California, and sanctioned by Article 115 of the Constitution, eight Districts would be established in eight major cities through largely local initiative:

• Guadalajara Metropolitan District
• Puebla Metropolitan District
• Tijuana Metropolitan District
• Juarez Metropolitan District
• Queretaro Metropolitan District
• Veracruz Metropolitan District
• Aguascalientes Metropolitan District
• Tampico Metropolitan District

The establishment of the distritos metropolitanos added a fourth level of government (federal, state, municipal, and now districts), although the distribution of power between the districts and the other systems of government were different. Each district were to be administered directly (at least, in theory) by the Metropolitan Commission, an independent federal government institution. This was similiar to power arrangements in the Federal District, although the capital was administered directly by the National Assembly instead of the Commission. The distritos metropolitanos also prompted the transfer of state capitals in some cases (for instance, the state capital of Jalisco was transferred from Guadalajara to Puerto Vallarta, although the state of Aguascalientes shared its capital with the namesake District).

Each District is to be administered by a 10-member metropolitan council (consejo metropolitano). Each council would consist of deputies directly elected from ten council regions (región de consejo) that comprise each District, and would elect a District Councilor to head it. At any time, two-thirds (5 out of 8) of the Councilors may assemble in Mexico City to form an ad hoc Grand Council, of which they would discuss and vote on matters of specific concern. Every four years, the Grand Council would assemble to elect the Prime Minister with a two-thirds vote.

The distritos metropolitanos reflected growing positive public sentiments toward the concept of decentralization, as well the ongoing shift toward increased federalism. For too long, the Mexican people had been ruled by highly-centralized governments, especially Bourbon New Spain and Calzadist Mexico, and delegates at the constitution convention had indicated their strong desires for a highly federalized system, and the ensuing Constitution reflected such views. Indeed, it was the highly-influential Distopyian bloc of delegates that drafted, and successfully kept in place, Article 115. And it was pro-legislative deputies that also pushed for the implementation of an unique three-tiered legislative system in the overall National Assembly: the Chamber of Deputies (which voted for legislative bills without discussing them), the Senate (which drafted bills without discussing them), and the Tribunate (which debated on bills without voting on them). Although the federal government was theoratically endowed with considerable powers by the Constitution, it was actually the state, local, and now district governments that possessed the power of initiative.

Edited July 25, 2013 by Scofield

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Puebla's prison health care system to be privatized

Puebla de los Ángeles, July 28, 20XX
Written by Clarise Sosa

The Puebla Metropolitan District Council voted 8-2 to privatize its prison health care system in its namesake District. After negiotiations, Metropolitan Press Secretary Antonio Juarez announced that corrections service provider Corizon will officially assume responsibility of administering and maintaining the district's penal health care system after August 1st. He stated that a majority of penal health care employees in the District would be out of work when the transit takes place, and suggested that they apply for employment with Corizon (although it would not be guaranteed).

However, there have been concerns regarding Corizon's long history of mistreating prison inmates. Several years ago, Corizon had been mired in a scandal in which three inmates died due to negligance in the state of Zacatecas, and six employees resigned from the company in revulsion in Oaxaca City last year. Recently, several states (particularly Chihuahua) forbade Corizon from operating within their territories after several investigations unearthed evidence of inhumane treatment of prison inmates. Press Secretary Juarez was aware of these concerns, assuring that the District would ensure that Corizon comply with a myriad of regulations.

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Debate breaks out in the National Assembly over drug legalization

 

Ciudad de Mexico, July 30, 20XX

Written by Pablo Orozco

 

A fierce debate broke out in the National Assembly, specifically the Tribunate, over the liberalization of drugs. Initially proposed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), the Federal Drug Regulation Bill (S. 27) would decriminalize the possession of illegal drugs such as marijuana, cocaine, opium, heroin, and LSD, among others, for private recreational use, and granted state and municipal judges a degree of discretion to determine intent. It set no quantity limits, but imposed a 300-meter restraining order in which people in possession of drugs were not allowed near schools, playgrounds, police departments, and correctional facilities.

According to PRI deputy Aaron Nieto, the bill would "go a long way toward resolving one of Mexico's longstanding crises." For a long time, Mr. Nieto said, Mexico had struggled to find a decisive solution to the drug problem, and so far, no such solution have been found. He cited President Felipe Calderon's disastrous decision to wage a war on drugs in 2006 as one of his reasons: "The federal government tried to stamp out drugs by brutal force, utilizing the military to this purpose, and utterly failed. The attempt to enforce the criminalization of drugs only revitalized the drug cartels and sparked off one of the worst crises Mexico would ever experience in its history. Within a short few years, over 60,000 became casualties, and this figure continues to mount to the present day."

The National Action Party (Partido Acción Nacional, PAN) countered by stating that the proposed bill would do little, if not nothing, to resolve the drug problem. "This would only worsen the situation by giving drug cartels a clear green light to continue on with their illicit activities," PAN deputy Arnardo Madero Munoz (no relation to the PAN leader). Another PAN deputy, Angela Lopez Nunez all but accused the PRI of promoting the interests of the drug cartels. "This is clearly a conspiracy between the PRI and the drug cartels," Nunoz claimed, which led Nieto to deny this. "The bill is in no way designed to cater to the drug cartels or their affiliates," Nieto asserted. "If anything else, the bill works in the people's interest by mitigating the level of violence that currently permeates parts of Mexico. It have been proved again and again that direct, forceful action is not always the best situation, and in fact, can and do lead to conflict."

The Distopyian National Party (Distopyian Partido Nacional, DPN) framed the drug debate in the context of federalism, pointing to the deficiencies of centralized government. "The excessive concentration of power at the center have failed to adequately resolve the problem, and now it is time for localized centers of government to address the problem," DPN deputy Leah Hernandez stated. With that said, the DPN indicated its support for the drug liberalization bill, although it proposed the establishment of monitoring agencies at the state and municipal levels to regulate the flow of legalized drugs around Mexico, and the power of enforcement be placed in state and municipal governments instead of the federal one.

The raging debate in the Tribunate doesn't disguise the fact that PRI members have begun finalizing their work on the bill in the Senate, to be forwarded to the Chamber of Deputies for voting. The President of the Tribunate have indicated his intention to exercise his powers to postpone the motion of vote if the bill proceeds to the Chamber before the Tribunate finishes the debate. Furthermore, PAN and other minor parties are planning to mobilize grassroots lobbying organizations against the bill.

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Internal:

In accordance to Article 128 of the Constitution, the National Assembly voted to formally establish the Mexican Republican Guard (Guardia Republicana Mejicana, GRM), but allowed the Executive Branch wide latitude to determine its command and control system. Officially known as the Republican Guard Regiment (Regimento de Guardia Republicana, RGR), the GRM is to consist of 3,000 soldiers and personnel organized into five battalions (three infantry, one special forces, and one artillery) along with a Headquarters Company. It will also operate several coastal and inland bases and commandeer patrol boats and aircrafts.

The GRM is tasked with protecting and defending the President, his/her family and relatives, government officials, designated individuals, and government and designated buildings across Mexico. It will serve as a federal law enforcement agency in some cases and maintain 130 Field Offices; its officials will have the power of arrest and detainment. It will serve as a honor guard for visiting foreign leaders, dignitaries, and officials, and represent the United Mexican States in international events, and importantly, serve as the first line of defense in times of war.

Theoratically responsible to the Secretariat of National Defense, the GRM is headed by a Lieutenant Colonel who reports to the Republican Guard Headquarters Office in the Executive Branch Office. As current soldiers and personnel in the Armed Forces will not be recruited, specialized GRM recruitment bureaus will be established and conscripts will attend GRM training academies in select areas in Mexico.

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State police privatized in Baja California

Mexicali, August 6, 20XX
Written by Angel Paolo

In a surprising move, the state government of Baja California concluded an agreement with private security contractor Felix Security Services (FSS). Under the agreement, to be renewed every five years, the Baja California Police Department (BCPD) is to contract out law enforcement work, on the state and municipality level, to Felix Security Services. This has been called an "unprecedented move" in Mexican history because this encompasses an entire state, not municipalities as was fairly common in the past. Among the reasons for this agreement was the state's fairly high crime rate (for instance, over 1,800 violent crimes were reported in 2012 alone), along with the widespread trend of decentralization in a strongly Distopyian Partido Nacional (DPN) stronghold. The agreement does not cover the Tijuana Metropolitan District, which maintains its own police force.

Baja California is not the only state to take the initiative to privatize its police force. The neighboring state of Baja California Sur has established a commission to investigate the possibility of privatizing its police forces, while the centralized state government of Chihuahua is entering into discussions with its largest city, Ciudad Juárez, over the delegation of law enforcement to private security forces in the crime-riddled city. Legislative bills are currently going through the state legislatures of Sonara and Oaxaca regarding the same purpose, and a group of DPN deputies, with some PRI support, have introduced a law enforcement privatization bill in the National Assembly; a petition have been started by a small but influential group of citizens in Mexico City to privatize at least a part of its police force.

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Federal drug legalization bill passes, signed into law

Ciudad de Mexico, August 6, 20XX
Written by Pablo Orozco

Despite efforts by the PAN and its supporters within and without the National Assembly to block the Federal Drug Regulation Bill (S. 27), PRI deputies managed to push a draft of the bill through the Senate, and then to ram it through fierce opposition in the Chamber of Deputies. With a razor-thin vote of 218-210, with 72 abstentions, the bill was passed into law, where it was submitted to President Luis Alvaro Bourbon. Surrounded by executive government officials and aides, midst celebration and controversy, President Bourbon signed the bill into law. Copies of the Federal Drug Regulation Act (C.D. 78) have been submitted to relevant executive branch Secretariats for implementation and enforcement.

Reactions to the passage of the Act was highly polarized. While DPN deputy Roberto Katz and PRI deputy Aaron Nieto lauded the law as a "major, decisive step toward the reduction and eventual elimination of violent drug-related crime in Mexico," PAN deputies and their supporters condemned the bill for "ushering in cartel rule," even going as far as to decry the Act as the 'Federal Drug Cartel Expansion Act'. "Today, Mexico have been struck a devastating blow," DPN Arnardo Madero Munoz lamented in a televised speech in Mexico City, "For we have all but given the drug cartels and their nefarious supporters a green light to expand their power and influence throughout the country." The DPN disagreed with that statement; while expressing understanding about the PAN's concerns, the DPN stated that the new law "would go contrary to common fears about drugs and drug cartels." If anything, the Act would actually weaken the drug cartels by allowing what was once outlawed. "The illegal nature of the drugs allowed cartels to generate tremendous revenue, and consequently spread their power and influence all over Mexico," DPN deputy Melissa Rugima explained, "If history have taught us, the more illegal a product is, the more lucrative it becomes. We decriminalize drugs, we run down their transaction prices and weaken the cartels in the long run."

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Internal:

Work on the construction of the FAM was slowly but steadily proceeding, particularly the Army. Several Army academies had been opened in select parts of Mexico (of which the Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla Academy near Mexico City was quickly becoming prominent), and were expanding in terms of their cadet students, personnel, curriculum, and reputation. Thousands of recruits were undergoing intense physical and psychological training in Army training facilities across the country, particularly Fort Bourbon near Mexico City. Existing logistics support facilities (such as ammunition depots, armories, and airfields) were being expanded or renovated, while new ones were under construction.

Army recruitment boards were working hard to bring eligible citizens into the Army with a degree of success, while procurement boards were conducting talks with Hudson Bay military officials to procure weaponry, supplies, and heavy equipment. Among the weaponry and equipment the Army was hoping to procure were light machine guns, submachine guns, assault rifles, battle rifles, bolt action rifles, anti-personnel sniper rifles, anti-materials sniper rifles, grenade launchers, recoilless rifles, MANPADS, miniguns, MLRS, mortars, Humvees, and transportation trucks, among many others. In the meanwhile, an industrial-military complex was slowly forming as military factories and facilities were established across Mexico, being funded by federal, state, and metropolitan district governments, influential lobbyists, corporations, and wealthy individuals. Defense contractors competed for contracts to produce domestic variants of the aforementioned weaponry and equipment as well.

On the orders of the Secretariat of National Defense, Mexico was organized into six Military Regions (MR), currently consisting of forty Military Zones (MZ) each. The number of the MZs occassionally fluctuate to reflect increases or decreases of military forces in each region. Each Region is headed by a senior zone commander who oversees military units stationed in MZs within his/her Region, with the exception of the Mexico, D.F. Region in regards to the GRM; the commander has no jurisdiction over the GRM, which reports directly to the Executive Branch. Zone commanders are tasked with gathering sociopolitical intelligence in their respective Regions, imposing and enforcing martial law, and cooperating with the Secretariat of National Defense in military planning and resource deployment.

MILITARY REGIONS (HEADQUARTERS):

• Military Region I (Cuidad de Mexico, D.F.)
• Military Region II (Hermosillo, Sonara)
• Military Region III (Chihuahua, Chihuahua)
• Military Region IV (Monterrey, Nuevo Leon)
• Military Region V (Guadalajara, Jalisco)
• Military Region VI (Oaxaca City, Oaxaca)

The Military Regions and their Headquarters

 

According to a classified communique from the Defense Secretariat, the Army was to adopt a highly-mobile mechanized/air assault operational doctrine, meaning it was to be organized into a mixture of six mechanized and airborne divisions (each consisting of four mechanized brigades), one quartermaster division, a specialized electronic warfare brigade, and of course, the GRM. Each division would have both general and specialized duties and responsibilities. For instance, 1st Division was to carry out a myriad of duties, including but not limited to deep cover ops and assault ops, and 3rd Division was to conduct airborne operations utilizing gunships and assault helicopters, while 5th and 6th were to conduct urban and jungle operations using a mixture of land vehicles and small aircrafts, respectively. The Quartermaster Division was to provide support by maintaining supply lines, distributing food, supplies, and ammunition, and provide rear-area security.

Edited August 9, 2013 by Scofield

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Strange Laws in Mexico

Written by Steve Acosta, August 10, 20XX

El Universal Online Blog

Mexico is a respectable nation of laws. A vast majority of its laws and regulations are for the greater public good, and are designed to safeguard citizens' rights and liberties in a myriad of situations. But, my gosh, there are times when certain lawmakers lose their fucking common sense and pass laws like what I'm about to describe below:
 

In Guadalajara, you cannot shoot birds on public highways, unless they are yours and only at the head.

In Hermosillo, you cannot leave ice cream in your back pockets. Leaving ice cream in your front pockets will be penalized with a $20 fee.

In Tampico, it is illegal to throw your crayons into the sea on Sundays and Thursdays.

In Oaxaca City, it is illegal to throw a snowball at a missile.

In Tijuana, you can walk backwards for only 50 steps. Afterwards, you will be penalized.

In Mexicali, it is illegal to urinate on worms on Wednesdays.

In Veracruz, you can feed seagulls, but only on Tuesdays and Fridays, and only between 4 and 5am. Otherwise, the penalty is $137.98.

In Torreon, anyone who plays a vuvuzela can be beaten with it, but only below the neck and above the pelvic regions, and for up to five minutes. Otherwise, it is a prosecutable B-class misdemeanor.

In several cities, it is illegal to hump a tree, but it is okay to hug one.

In Puebla, it is unlawful for a vehicle to exceed 65 mph without a driver.

In Bourbon City, it is illegal to wipe your ass with Enrique Bourbon's photograph in a three-star hotel on the fourth floor.

In Colima, it is illegal to carry wire cutters inside your pants.

In Monterrey, it is against the law to throw pink rubber balls across a street from 6am to 5:59pm.

What's the world coming to?

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Internal:

After extensive discussions and consultations with educators and relevant officials, the Federal Metropolitan Commission decided to proceed with education reform. The reforms will begin in the Queretaro Metropolitan District and gradually proceed on to the other Districts.

In the Metropolitan Districts, primary and secondary public schools were to be organized into a single system of comprehensive educational institutions. Students are to begin attending school as early as possible; daycare programs would be established for babies and toddlers as to prepare them for kindergarten and higher. At the age of seven, students are to begin eight years of compulsory basic comprehensive education. There, students would be expected to retain, and enhance, their knowledge in English, Spanish (as well as a third required language), and mathematics and to take adulthood preparation courses. At the age of 15, students are required to continue their secondary education for three years by choosing between the academic or vocational tracks. Should they choose the vocational track, students will attend vocational colleges to further their skill development and receive job training; academic track students will attend upper secondary schools to prepare for university. Upon graduation, students are to receive a General Education Certification (GEC) from upper secondary schools and a General Vocational Certificates (GVC) from vocationary schools; earlier degrees continue to be recognized and accepted.

University education will focus on humanities, arts, and sciences, and universities will provide comprehensive undergraduate and graduate programs on philosophy, law, medicine, science, and technology. They will confer graduating students with academic degrees such as Bachelor of Art (BA), Master of Arts (MA), Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D), Doctorate of Medicine (MD), and Doctorate of Science (DS).

Teachers in the Districts are required to contribute to a district-wide curriculum that establish guidelines in accordance to the federal curriculum set by the Secretariat of Education; they also are required to join teacher unions. Their working hours were to be reduced as to give them more time to draft their curriculums and accurately assess their students, and strict limits were placed on the amount of homework that were allowed to be assigned. New and prospective teachers are required to obtain a five-year General Education Certificate (GEC) in the education specialization, and practice, at a district-funded university. In exchange, teachers are given great autonomy to choose their methods of instruction, select their own textbooks/reading materials, and receive increased wages to compensate for their reduced hours.

Mandatory standardized tests/exams are to be abolished except for a single voluntary comprehensive exam issued at the end of students' senior year in high school. Teachers can opt out of these exams without penalty if they so wish. Comprehensive schools are to be funded by both the district governments and private organizations. Due to this, university tuitions will be phased out.

The Secretariat of Education, Federal Metropolitan Commission, and District education commissions will oversee the reforms to evaluate their feasability and the possibility of expanding them to the rest of Mexico.

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Mexico City

This was one of the greatest days in his life, he thought to himself as he scanned the letter in his hands for what seemed to be the hundredth time. He felt like he was on top of the world.

Within the letter were the typed words, comprised and sent by Attorney General Jesus Murillo Karam: "We are pleased to notify you that, after careful consideration, we have decided to approve your petition to establish this organization, and to execute in the official capacity the responsibilities and duties pertaining to the task that your organization has now set out to perform." The letter ended with "Organized with the Approval and Operating under the Direction of the Procuraduría General de la República [Office of the General Prosecutor]."

For months, Javier Bonilla Soto had petitioned the Mexican government to authorize him to establish a private organization (well one of several organizations anyways, but he won out!) dedicated to domestic security and enforcement. He felt that the police forces, although capable, were too understaffed to perform their duties. Aware of strong popular support for decentralization, and having observed it in Mexico City, Soto sought to exploit this to further augment his proposal. With his immense wealth and extensive connections, especially these with friends in high places, this wasn't too difficult. Still, it had taken time and effort, but it paid off. Literally and figuratively.

"This is it. The time has now come for us to do our sworn duties as citizens!" Soto was speaking in a corporate speech to his employers, associates, and employers later in the day. It was to be broadcast and published in the media shortly after. "After months of unceasing effort and dedication, we have obtained official authorization from the federal government to perform what we have set out to do! Citizens, we are united here to upheld our sacred duties as citizens to maintain public order and uphold the laws against these who threaten to undermine them."

Soto paused to let his words sink into his listeners, his eyes blazing with determination as he scanned over them.

"It is with utmost pleasure that the Liga Protectora Mejicana [Mexican Protective League] is formed! Its mission statement is to contribute to public order and efficient law enforcement. Through the duties entrusted to us by the Government, and through the strength given to us by the Lord Almighty Jesus Christ, we will perform our work to the best of our abilities. So help us, Amen!"

His oratory skills were a bit weak, Soto knew, but still he was heartened by the thunderous applause that filled the room. He had a lot of work to do.

Edited August 15, 2013 by Scofield

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Public Announcement:

Two defense contractors made announcements. Firstly, Istral Arms announced the Istral Assault Rifle and the MA1A1 Caseless Sniper Rifle, followed by Queretaro Armory regarding the Q-1 Heavy Automatic Grenade Launcher. These weapons had been in development by both contractors for several years, well before the reestablishment of Mexico, and have been recently approved for military use by the Army's Weapons Procurement and Assessment Board.

 

Istral Assault Rifle:

Type: Combat rifle
Caliber: 6.5×39 mm Grendel
Action: Roller-delayed blowback
Overall Length: 745 mm
Barrel Length: 463 mm
Rate of fire: 700 rpm
Weight: 3.2 kg (empty)
Effective Range: 800 m
Sight: Mexican TGTM-4

The Istral is designed to be a strong, lightweight rifle, functional in all climate. Its rifle body is comprised of silicone, polyurethane, and polyster-coated vectran fiber-reinforced plastic, and its outermost layer is a black anti-reflective coating. The main metal parts of the rifle are located in the receiver assembly and the barrel. The barrel and flash suppressor are the only exposed metal parts of the rifle. This minimizes the risk that the user would touch the metal pieces in hot and cold climates, and prevents dirt from entering the rifle. The Istral's barrel is made of chromium-lined steel 4034, and uses standard rifling at 1:8, right hand. Its interior are to be regularly cleaned to prevent leading. The rifle has a provision for a bayonet with a lug system above the barrel intended to attach the bayonet to the gun barrel, and a steel 4034 clip placed behind the flash suppressor.

 

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MA1A1 Caseless Sniper Rifle:

Round: 8x67mm CFC
Barrel length: 800mm
Rifle twist: 1/10 inchs
Overall length: 1360mm
Weight (gun empty, without scope): 6.3kg
Magazine capacity: 5 rounds
Fire modes: bolt action
Effective range: 1,800m
Features: Adjustable stock with rear support, S-RIS, high efficiency muzzle break.

The MA1A1 Caseless Sniper Rifle is a standard bolt-action sniper rifle. Its heavy 31.5 inch barrel utilizes an integral muzzle break and flash hider. Capable of 0.5 minute of arc (MOA) accuracy, the rifle utilizes a 8x67mm caseless 250 grain loading round capable of reaching over 1,800 meters. It is also capable of firing off a boat-tailed full metal jacket bullet made out of a hardened steel nose section with a pre-fragmented mild steel core, capable of armor penetration on both individuals and light vehicles.

 

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Q-1 Heavy Automatic Grenade Launcher:

Round: 30x55 ACM
Weight: 40kg (gun only, 51kg gun plus cradle, 65kg with tripod mounting).
Magazine capacity: 15-50 round belt
Length: 1216mm
Barrel length: 650mm
Rate of fire: 250rpm
Max effective range: 2000m

The Q-1 HAGL uses a long recoil operating system, along with a hyraulic damper in its mounting cradle, to control its recoil. To help reduce weight, the Q-1 HAGL's main body is made of a high-strength steel with lightweight composites where applicable, and its barrel is made out of lightweight titanium overwrap with a molybdenum-rhenium alloy liner to increase its service life and generally reduce tear and wear. A mounting point is built into the gun cradle, and so is the fire control system (FCS), which can use its optics and range finder to generate targeting data or receive input from remote providers (like forward observers) when used in an indirect mode configuration. Once a target is identified, the FCS will provide the operator with an aiming point or elevation angle, and program accordingly the fuse setting system if airburst munitions are used. The HAGL's powerful 30x55mm rounds are capable of reaching over 2000mm, and can penetrate in excess of 57mm of armor using dedicated high-explosive anti-tank (HEAT) ammunition; it also can fire off high-explosive dual purpose anti-tank warhead (HEDP) to produce lethal fragmentation over 4 meters and penetrate 25mm of armor.

 

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National Assembly, national official names modified

Cuidad de Mexico, August XX, 20XX
Written by Angelica Saurez

The Chamber of Deputies voted 482-12 to pass a procedural resolution introduced in the Tribunate and drafted in the Senate. The Official Names Resolution (Public Law 1-578) officially changes the name 'National Assembly' to 'National Congress of the Union', modifies Mexico's official name to the 'Republic of the United Mexican States' (República de el Estados Unidos Mexicanos), and requires that both names be used in official government documents and communications from now on. The resolution faced little overt opposition in the Chamber of Deputies, and was meant, in the words of PRI deputy Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, to "create and maintain a historic link between Mexico's present and past." One of Mexico's predecessor states was known as the Republic of Mexico (República de México), and its legislature was historically referred to as the Congress of the Union.

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PRI announces energy reform plan

Cuidad de Mexico, August XX, 20XX
Written by Cote de Pablo

The ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) announced a plan to reform the country's flagging energy sector, particularly in regards to Pemex's monopoly on the aforementioned sector. Speaking on behalf of President Bourbon, who is currently in a diplomatic meeting, Secretary of Energy Pedro Joaquin Coldwell stated the plan would not only modify Articles 27 and 28 of the Constitution to allow private foreign investment in the oil sector, but divide Pemex, Mexico's sole petroleum producer, into two divisions. "This reform represents one of the greatest opportunities for Mexico in recent years," Secretary Coldwell stated in a televised speech, "If we seize this opportunity, we will be able to create hundreds of thousands of new jobs and better wages."

Despite Secretary Coldwell's optimistics statements, PAN deputies criticized the proposal as a reactive attempt of the PRI to "steal [PAN's] thunder." Over a week earlier, the PAN had announced an energy reform plan that, if passed, would open many parts of Mexico's energy sector to private competition and investment and establish a national commission to oversee the concessions and contracts. "The PRI is clearly attempting to take credit for the idea that we have worked on for months," PAN deputy Juan Armas complained in a Tribunate session. A small minority of PRI, PAN, and DPN delegates raised concerns that this plan could potentially "return Mexico to the dark days", referring to the period where foreign companies owned much of Mexico's oil industry before President Lázaro Cárdenas nationalized them in 1938.

PRI deputy Aaron Nieto was quick to assure such doubts. "This motion will not reopen Mexico to foreign oil exploitation. This is out of the question, and have been since 1938," he explained in a televised speech. "What this bill will do is simply allow foreign companies to invest into the energy sector. I must emphasize the word, 'invest', and will go as far as to state that this will not in any way, shape, or form, be construed as to allow foreign companies to own Mexico's oil reserves and revenues." Indeed, the bill allows for "profit-sharing arrangements, but not necessarily production-sharing arrangements." DPN deputy Leah Hernandez explained that Pemex cannot be privatized and that the bill is designed to "stimulate worldwide interest to Mexico's energy sector in hopes of boosting production."

The Senate has begun drafting a copy of the motion based on minutes of the Tribunate debate, and will submit it to the Chamber of Deputies for voting. If passed, the bill will then be submitted to states for ratification (two-thirds of the states are needed for Constitutional amendments).

Edited August 19, 2013 by Scofield

[Scofield]

Veracruz approves port expansion plan

Veracruz, August XX, 20XX
Written by Angel Paolo

Veracruz's Municipality Council approved a plan to expand and revitalize the city's port, especially its harbors and docks, over the next several years to handle increased international trade, and to boost the city's bustling industries. To this purpose, Veracruz's pier- and land-side infrastructure and facilities would be expanded. This means new cranes would be constructed to augment the existing ones, its container and freight terminals would be expanded in size if possible to handle higher number of cargo containers and equipment, new railways would be constructed, and roads leading to and from the ports would be expanded to handle civilian and commerce traffic. A new port authority building would be built to serve as a new headquarters of the Veracruz Port Authority. According to a spokesperson of the Municipality Council, the project is expected to last for at least ten years and estimated to cost over $500 million.

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Energy reform bill passed, heads to states for ratification

Cuidad de Mexico, August XX, 20XX
Written by Cote de Pablo

The Chamber of Deputies voted to pass the Energy Reform Bill (S. 152) with a vote of 252-198, with 50 abstentions. Copies of the Act (C.D. 200), including the modified texts of Articles 27 and 28, have been submitted to state legislatures for ratification. For the Constitution to be amended, seventeen out of twenty-six states legislatures must vote to approve the amendment(s) with a two-thirds majority vote. Once this threshold has been attained, the Constitution is thus amended accordingly.

[Scofield]

Internal:

The passage of the Federal Drug Regulation Act seemed to have a counterproductive effect on combating drug-related violence, which remains high in some parts of the country. In the several months following the Act's passage, sales of formerly illegal drugs - from marijuana to crack - actually skyrocketed, reaching as high as 500 percent in the state of Tamaulipas, which is controlled by the highly-powerful Los Zetas drug cartel. When the federal government recused itself from drug regulation (the Office of the General Prosecutor even went as far as to publicly declare the War on Drugs as "officially over"), the volume of drugs in circulation throughout Mexico increased, and so did the level of violence. Many drug cartels, heartened by the absence of government interference, proceeded to engage in series of brutal gunfights that often than not left several dozens of casualties, and considerable destruction, in their aftermath. Unsurprisingly, PRI and its supporters were subject to scathing political and social criticism for "letting the drug lords run amok."

Despite this, however, the Act did achieve a few things: it defused the conflict between the federal government and the drug cartels, and slowly but surely eroded the cartels away in terms of wealth. Although initial sales were currently high, they would decline over time due to lessened demand. The prices of drugs, deprived of its lucrative illegality, began to drop, paradoxically exacerbating violence by prompting cartels to fight each other in an attempt to retain their power and influence. By this, the government hoped to prosecute them in the court of public opinion; by waging 'turf wars', the cartels would alienate their customers and the public at large, thus driving down profits and undermining their support bases. State, municipality, and district courts in many cities and towns were surprisingly proactive in enforcing the 300-meter restraining order and prosecuting violators, despite widespread bribery by the drug cartels and threats of retaliation: in Los Zetas-controlled Tamaulipas, the conviction rate for such violations reached 46 percent, and 51 percent in Sinaloa. And more importantly, the Act relieved the military and Federal Police of their responsibility of clamping down on drug trafficking. Drug-related casualties among military troops and police personnel plummeted, and their resources would be put to better use somewhere.

Not to mention, the Act could potentially save the federal government in millions of revenues that otherwise would've been squandered in ineffective anti-drug crusades; such revenues would be used to fund education programs and to rehabilitate addicts. The Act also would foster increased public respect for the law, hamper public and political corruption, and improve public health by reducing the transmission of diseases such as HIV and hepatitis. The federal government seemed to achieve more in its inactivity than in its aggressive proaction, and the Bourbon administration intended to see to it.

[Scofield]

Tamaulipas privatizes its police force

Ciudad Victoria, August XX, 20XX
Written by Gabriel Orozco Pueblo

The crime-ridden state of Tamaulipas became the seventh state to privatize its police forces in light of recent investigations conducted by the Federal Investigative Service (Servicio Investigador Federal, SIF). Governor Egidio Torre Cantu announced in a public speech in Ciudad Victoria that his government had recently approved a contractual agreement that would transfer control of the Tamaulipas Police Department (TPD) and its organizations to private security contractor Excelsior Security Services for a period of ten years. Among the reasons behind this move, Governor Cantu stated, were the rampant crime and political corruption that continues to run rampant in Tamaulipas. The highly-efficient and incorruptible Excelsior was contracted in hopes that it would combat the scope and influence of the powerful Los Zetas and Gulf cartels.

The states of Baja California, Baja California Sur, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and now Tamaulipas have privatized their police forces, and the state legislatures of Sinaloa, Durango, Veracruz, Jalisco, and Oaxaca are currently debating such a course of action.

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Corporal punishment outlawed

Cuidad de Mexico, August XX, 20XX
Written by Mark Alvaro Ramirez

The National Congress voted to outlaw the longstanding practice of corporal punishment across Mexico. Passed with a vote of 418-72, with ten abstentions, in the Chamber of Deputies, the Corporal Punishment Prohibition Act (C.D. 238) prohibits corporal punishment in private homes, schools, childcare, and the penal system and set a myriad of consequences for any violations. It modified several laws and regulations, such as the Law on Assistance and Prevention of Domestic Violence of 1996 and the Rights of Children and Adolescents Act of 2000, to specifically prohibit the usage of corporal punishment in childrearing and further bring them into accord with the Constitution; it also modified several provisions of the Federal Civil Code as well. In federal penal institutions, the usage of corporal punishment as both a sentence for crime and a disciplinary measure was strictly prohibited because they "fosters and encourages ill-treatment and abuse against inmates in prison," as according to a DPN deputy. This reinforces the Treatment of Juvenile Offenders Act of 1992 by emphasizing that prison inmates are to receive fair and humane treatment.

[Scofield]

Classified:

In a classified meeting with Air Force and relevant military officials, Secretary of Defense Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda announced plans to expand the Mexican Armed Forces, specifically the Air Force (Fuerza Aérea Mexicana, FAM), within a set time frame. With Mexico's military-industrial structure having undergone expansion in recent times, the Secretary stated that the time have now come for Mexico to "upgrade the Air Force, as it exists, from reconnaissance and transport aircrafts to a higher tier aircrafts such as fighters and bombers" in the interests of enhancing Mexico's aerial defense capabilities. Existing aerial support infrastructures - hangars, fueling depots, air bases - that were used to support reconnaissance and transport aircrafts would be greatly expanded to accommodate the anticipated expansion of the FAM. Air Force academies, which had been operating for over a year, would similiarily undergo expansion as to train a new cadet of Air Force officers/personnel (such as air force pilots). Recruitment qualifications would be revised as to meet new Navy requirements.

When asked for an exact number of aircrafts that were to serve in the expanded Air Force, Secretary Zepeda estimated that about thirty squadrons (with six aircrafts each, to consist of 180 total). However, Commander Leonardo Gonzales Garcia argued for sixty squadrons (360 total), and a brief debate ensued. Ultimately, the Secretary and the Commander were able to agree on 45 squadrons (270 aircrafts) on active and reserve duty. However, the Secretary said that the Air Force should strive toward the goal of 105 squadrons (with twelve planes per squadrons, with a total of 1,260) in the future. Elaborating on the type of aircrafts that were expected to serve in the FAM, Secretary Zepeda said that the list of aircrafts would include "multirole fighters, bombers, interdictors, assault helicopters, and transport helicopters." He also said that a few airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) would be built, and so would other aircrafts such as vertical take-off and landing (VTOL) aircrafts.

As for how the FAM would be expanded, Zepeda stated that the Defense Secretariat would enter into contractual negotiations with several aerial defense contractors such as Aviation Mexico, AeroMexico, Queretaro Aerospace, and Bourbon Air. Purchasing aircrafts from foreign nations was also a possibility, although the Secretary wasn't sure which nation would be contracted. Mexico had relatively few friends in the world, and Zepeda hoped the Foreign Ministry would expand the country's foreign relations before undertaking such a course of action. Congress was expected to pass a bill authorizing funds for the planned expansion of the Air Force, although the exact sources were as of now unclear.

As officials exited the conference room, they knew they had a tremendous challenge ahead, one that they would overcome.

Edited September 6, 2013 by Scofield

[Captain Enema]

To: Presidente of Mexico
From: Administrator Carlos Del Fina of the Amazon Republic
Re: Matters of trade and finance

I would like to request permission from you to send a representative of my government to discuss with you matters related to finance and trade.

Respectfully yours,
Carlos Del Fina

[Scofield]

To: Carlos Del Fina, Administrator of the Amazon Republic

CC: José Antonio Meade, Secretary of Foreign Affairs
From: Luis Alvaro Bourbon, President of Mexico
Subject: Re: Matters of trade and finance

I would be open to meeting with your representative to discuss such matters, and hereby, I grant permission. Your representative is cleared to land in the diplomatic section of the Enrique Bourbon International Airport, and the Foreign Secretariat will undertake appropriate preparations for his/her arrival.

Yours sincerely,

Luis Alvaro Bourbon,
President of Mexico

 

[Scofield]

First census conducted

Ciudad de Mexico, September X, 20XX
Written by Gerardo Mestaza

The results of Mexico's first national census was released today. After many months of preparatory work, fraught with communication and coordination difficulties with Mexico's overlapping systems of government, the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, INEGI) announced that Mexico's current population stood at approximately 66,312,437, or 66.3 million, a sharp decrease since Mexico's last census. (However, it should be noted that by the time the last census was conducted, Mexico had a vast population due to its control of part of the American Southwest and all of Central America). Over 70 percent of the population live in urban areas, down from over 85 percent in the last census. There are approximately 16 million registered households in Mexico, of which 8 percent are single-person households. The average Mexican family has 4.4 members, with nuclear families having 4 members and extended families 5.4 members.

The INEGI estimated that over 27.4 percent of the population were at and below 14 years of age (18.1 million), 18.1 percent in the 15-24 age range (12 million), and 6.9 percent in the 65 and over age range (4.5 million). Nearly half of the population were in the 25-64 age range, hovering at around 47 percent (31.5 million). Regarding demographics, 60 percent of the population identified themselves as Mestizo (39.7 million) and 30 percent as Amerindian (19.8 million). Nine percent identified themselves as White (5.9 million) and 0.8 percent as 'Other' (over 530,000). For the sake of clarification, 'White' were defined as Mexicans of European descent, who had light skin and predominantly European features (confusingly similar to mestizos); and 'Other' were defined as small ethnic groups with Arab and African backgrounds, such as Arab Mexicans and Afro-Mexicans. As for religion, an overwhelming 82 percent (54.8 million) were Roman Catholic, followed by Protestant at 1.6 percent (over 1 million) and Jehovah's Witnesses (over 928,000). Over 9.7 percent (6.4 million) were classified in the Other category (such as Buddhism, Sikhism, etc) and 4.7 percent (3.1 million) had no religion.

To conduct the census, the INEGI mailed a short-form census document to urban and rural households. It asked ten basic questions pertaining to the exact number of household members; additional people such as relatives; the status of their place of residence (owned with mortgage, occupied without rent, etc); phone numbers; the persons' names; sex; age and birthdate; race; ethnicity; and religion. Part of the data was gathered by the Mexican Community Survey (Revisión de Comunidad Mexicanos, RCM). According to the Government Accountability Office (Oficina de Responsabilidad del Gobierno, ORG), the census cost approximately $33 million to implement. The results of the Census will be used to determine the apportionment of Congressional seats in the next election, scheduled for 20XX, until the next decennial Census.

[Scofield]

Congress ratifies the Mexico-American Commonwealth treaty

Cuidad de Mexico, September XX, 20XX
Written by Pedro Rafael

Congress voted to ratify the Mexico-American Commonwealth Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, which was signed by Mexican and American representatives in Mexico City earlier this week. The debate over the Treaty in the Tribunate was unusually brief, with a vast majority of deputies from the PRI, PAN, and DPN supporting it, and the Chamber of Deputies wasted little time on ratifying the Treaty with a 480-5 vote, with 15 abstentions. It was the first time in Mexico's history that deputies were willing to cross party lines to reach a consensus on a single issue.

The Treaty was a major diplomatic victory for the Bourbon administration and for the ruling PRI as well. It not only marked the end of Mexico's diplomatic isolation, but paved the way to increased relations with Mexico's northern neighbor in the American Commonwealth. It also heralded the beginning of the country's foray into international affairs, even if it was initially limited to North America. Given this success, several government officials, deputies, and political analysts expressed hopes that Mexico's ongoing discussions with Argentina would achieve similar results, for if it was successful, it would also be a great boon to the Bourbon administration as well.

Edited September 11, 2013 by Scofield

[Scofield]

Secretariat of Public Safety dissolved, powers transferred to Interior Secretariat

Ciudad de Mexico, September XX, 20XX
Written by Albert Hernandez

The Office of the Executive Branch announced President Luis Alvaro Bourbon's decision to formally dissolve the Secretariat of Public Safety and the delegation of most of its powers - although not necessarily its personnel - to the newly-formed National Security Commission (Comision Nacional de Seguridad, CNS) in the Secretariat of the Interior. This reform was intended, among others, to improve the way the federal government handled internal security, although several critics in Mexico's three major parties pointed out other possible reasons. "Even before Mexico's reformation, the [Secretariat of Public Safety] had long been a corrupt organization," PAN deputy Isaac Argus stated during a debate on an appropriation bill in the Tribunate, "This was the right step in the right direction." The DPN, while expressing disappointment that the Secretariat wasn't privatized, nevertheless applauded this decentralization initiative: "This will go a long way in ensuring a more fair, efficient, and transparent government," DPN deputy Vince Moldivi claimed. Others disagreed: PRI deputy Michel Trejo and PAN deputy Gabriella Monet voiced concern about the "return to the old days," when the then-dominant PRI used the powerful Interior Secretariat to solidify its decades-long rule.

PRI deputy Aaron Nieto was quick to assuage such concerns, stating that the transfer of the Public Safety Secretariat's powers to the Interior Secretariat was intended to "improve inter-agency cooperation in regards to public security, and enable the government to effectively pursue a cohesive security strategy in the long term." Furthermore, Nieto said, among President Bourbon's proposed administrative reforms were the establishment of a national gendarmerie, to consist of between ten and forty thousand personnel answerable to the Interior Secretariat, to perform policing and investigative duties in rural areas and small towns. It was that time that Deputy Monet voiced her concerns that the creation of the proposed gendarmerie would lead to operational and jurisdictional conflicts with the Federal Police, a sentiment that would later be echoed by analyst Alejandro Hope in an online article. The debate regarding a second federal police institution withstanding, the fact is that a government department was dissolved, and a series of administrative reforms are currently underway in the highest echelons of the federal government.

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Tijuana police clamps down on drug-related violence

Tijuana, September XX, 20XX
Written by Joshua Engels Reynosa

In the border city of Tijuana, its namesake Commerce Police began a series of clampdowns on drug-related violence, arresting dozens of Tijuana Cartel members. This was in accordance to a controversial resolution passed by Tijuana's Metropolitan Council, which authorized the police to undertake necessary measures to reduce violence in the District, paradoxically using violence if necessary. In response to complaints and criticisms from the rest of the country, especially concerns that the District's actions violated the Federal Drug Regulation Act, Metropolitan Press Secretary Samantha Antonio Ruben explained that the district was not attempting to outlaw drugs as much as it sought to reduce drug-related violence, specifically gun battles between cartel members throughout the city. "This measure is aimed at restoring peace on Tijuana's streets, to make the city safe for its citizens once again. The constant gunfights have rocked the city for some time, to such an extent that our citizens are scared to go outside," Ruben stated in a press statement in front of Tijuana's legislative assembly building. "And so the government have decided to take appropriate action, and in a way that conforms with the federal [Drug Regulation] act."

[Scofield]

Energy reform plan falters midst mounting protests

Cuidad de Mexico, September XX, 20XX
Written by Michele Weatherly

While thousands of protestors continued to congregate in Mexico City's city center for the umpteenth week, word got out that the proposed energy reform plan was beginning to falter as state legislatures devolved into gridlock on the issue. So far, only eight states - most of them PRI-dominated - had ratified the constitutional amendment bill so far. There were unconfirmed rumors that the bill's opponents deliberately introduced large amount of bills into the various state legislatures in an attempt to congest the legislation process and make it difficult for state legislators to adequately focus on the ratification process; others used various procedural powers and rules to forestall or hinder the process.

Given the growing paralysis of the constitutional ratification process, several PRI and DPN deputies suggested that the President could sign the Energy Reform Bill (S. 152) into law like a regular bill. Such a suggestion, however, was quickly shot down as delegates maintained that such a bill would have to be re-introduced into Congress and go through the legislative process again in order to receive the President's signature, lest it become an "arbitrary measure." Likewise, a suggestion that the Executive Branch could implement administrative policies through the Secretariat of Energy to allow private foreign entities to participate in oil and gas activity in Mexico was also shot down as "unconstitutional."

Still, it should be noted that despite the obstacles, the energy reform initiative along the constitutional ratification process remain viable. Because the Bill did not establish a deadline, the bill would indefinitely remain active in the state legislatures until enough states voted for ratification. This have led to accusations that PRI deputies in the Senate deliberately designed the bill this way; such sentiments were reinforced by media revelations that the deadline clause was removed from the finalized bill at the last minute in the Chamber of Deputies before it was sent out to the states.

Political and policy experts have noted that the energy reform initiative is quickly becoming a polarizing issue in Mexico, one which would probably become prominent in the next presidential and legislative elections. "In a sense, this proposal opened a Pandora's box that had long been buried for decades: the issue of Mexican oil ownership," analyst Celine Daze stated in an online article in the Economist. "The President and his supporters will have to carefully craft their reform plan in a way that avoids offending nationalist sentiments or raising historic fears of foreign exploitation."

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Airport classification system reform announced
 

Cuidad de Mexico, September XX, 20XX

Written by Elizabeth Solorio

The Civil Aviation Authority (Las Autoridades de Aviación Civiles, LAAC), under the Secretariat of Communications and Transportation, announced a comprehensive reform in the nation's civilian air transportation system, specifically pertaining to the way the nation's airports were classified.

A new classification/category system will be instituted in which airports (public and private) across Mexico were to be grouped under. Under the new LAAC system, three types of airports would legally operate in Mexico: international, domestic, and community. International airports would be used to handle international flights, domestic ones for domestic flights, and community ones for general aviation purposes. This reform covers airports in the highly-autonomous metropolitan districts as well. Furthermore, the LAAC would create two sub-categories under the domestic classification: Class 1 and Class 2. Class 1 domestic airports are capable of serving jet aircraft with at least 100 seats, and Class 2 airports would accommodate propeller aircraft with at least 20 seats.

To implement this reform, which will take effect on January XX, 20XX, a Civil Aviation Classification Board would be created to sort and classify the thousands of airports that dot the country. The Board is expected to work with state, municipal, and district officials in this matter.

Edited September 22, 2013 by Scofield

[Scofield]

Classified:

Defense Secretary Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda approved the planned expansion of the Mexican Army (Ejército Mexicano, EjM) from 80,000 to 133,000 active-duty troops/personnel within a set time period. The plan also called for the modification of the Army's organizational command structure: the size of a Mechanized Division was increased to 5 Brigades, while the number of each Brigade was reduced to 2,000. Four new Mechanized Divisions (40,000) were created, to consist of five Brigades each: the 7th through 10th Mechanized would be tasked with urban and jungle warfare. Furthermore, a second Quartermaster Division would be created to expand the Army's support and logisitics capabilities.

Furthermore, 1st and 2nd Mechanized, 1st Quartermaster, the Cyberwarfare Brigade, and the GRM were to be stationed in Military Region I (headquartered in Mexico City). 6th Airborne, 7th Mechanized, and 2nd Quartermaster were to be stationed in Military Region II (headquartered in Hermosillo); while 5th Airborne and 8th Mechanized were to be stationed in Military Region III (headquartered in Chihuahua). 4th Mechanized was to be stationed in Military Region IV (Monterrey), and 3rd and 10th Mechanized in Military Region V (Guadalajara). Finally, 9th Mechanized was to be based in Military Region VI (Oaxaca).

Through procurement agreements with the now-former Hudson Bay Federation, the EjM ordered decent amounts of light machine guns, submachine guns, assault rifles, battle rifles, bolt action rifles, anti-personnel sniper rifles, anti-materials sniper rifles, grenade launchers, recoilless rifles, MANPADS, miniguns, MLRS, mortars, Humvees, and transportation trucks - although the quantities of such weaponry/equipment paled in comparision to the amount produced in Mexican military-industrial factories, of course. The same went for the recent order placed by the Army for a wide range of equipment from the American Commonwealth corporation Hershey Defense.