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British Communique to Bucharest


Triyun

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To: Her Majesty Queen of Romania

From:  Henry Stuart, King of Britain

 

Our last correspondance did not go as well as I would have liked, and perhaps it was due to a lack of mutual interest at the time.  However, I believe the rising trends in Europe once again compel us to seek each other's counsel.  I would like to invite you to come to London so that we may discuss matters of mutual friendship and reinforce each other against outside tendrils stretching across the continent.

 

Sincerely,

 

Henry 

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To Henry Stuart, King of Britain,
 
Indeed, our relations have been quite lackluster up to now, a matter that I would rather attribute to a lack of serious competition and serious threat, which caused a lack of interest in formalised cooperation. However, most recent developments might make some sort of counsel and potential cooperation preferential. In this sense, and to strengthen overall ties between our countries, I shall visit London shortly.
 
With regards,
Maria de România

 

Following the letter, preparations would be made, for the Queen's visit to London. While Maria hated travelling abroad, given it always was a great effort to have enough entourage to take care of matters, London seemed like a place that would be less troublesome and where it rained most of the time anyway. Or at least, that was what she had heard. Travelling via aircraft, the Queen would soon be on her way.

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The Queen was brought into the audience chamber for King Henry in Buckingham Palace.  Two ornate dark wooden chairs had been prepared for th wo monarchs in addition to tea.  "Your Majesty, welcome to London I hope your trip was a pleasant one?"

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Maria would be taking a coup of tea, enjoying the beverage she most often would serve at home during diplomatic sessions. "It was an acceptable journey. One of the longer ones I made during my reign up to now... or actually, could be the longest. But it was rather fine and I thank you for your hospitality. And the tea." After smelling the tea, looking at the colour and taking a sip, to determine the type of tea, the Queen would sigh quietly. "I guess that as of recently, there has been quite a bit of trouble that ought to be adressed... in one way or another."

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"We've been impressed with the handling of these events unfolding by Romania.  It seems you have what i takes to have a steady hand on this European circus.  Our proposal is that Britain and Romania project greater credibility and legitimacy together than apart.  Some say norms are non-existent, but the reality is hat norms are actively created as politics continues.  I believe we largely agree on what these norms should be, but the only way for us to press these norms into being is to have our views backed by credible military force that can effectively provide a veto to anyone trying to dictate outcomes."

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"Thank you, your Majesty. Your words flatter my humble skills.", Maria would respond with a friendly smile. "I would think I need not state what I think is the essence of proper diplomacy to a person such as you, but well..." Getting a bit more serious, given the political situation was far less something to laugh at, the Queen continued. "Indeed, it would be quite harsh if certain precedences are set and left without proper consequences to show that these are not accepted norms, before they become customary. In this regard, I would think that setting some sort of common action, to show wide-ranging disagreement with certain trends would be benefitial. However, as you do mention military power to back it up... while I do view military power as quite important to the credibility of one's words, I would think it necessary to ask what you are planning. After all, military action is quite a drastic step."

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"A show of force and the willingness to back it up is not the same as using force.  I want to delineate between the two.  Our objective at the moment should be a clear articulation of policies we object to through common messaging.  I would like to see a common and clear set of red lines set by our governments and hopefully others, past which is is clear that we will immediately and without negotiation respond to with military force, that would be of an unacceptable nature to our potential adversaries.  

 

In other words, we should make clear that if the Alvonians, or French, or any of their allies attempt to cross what we deem acceptable behavior, the result will not be prolonged negotiations while they can entrench or make marginal gains, it will be a roll back of their territory to much less defensible borders and the destruction of much of their war making capacity.  Whether people love or hate you, nation-states are fundamentally self interested above all else on the heirarchy of needs, they respect consequences.  We need to make it so they understand any adventurism is going to put them into a worse position not a better one.

 

To that end I believe some clear red lines we can agree on is the use of military force, including through brandishing and intimidation against the Northern Italians by stationing anymore forces than are currently present, which at this time is only the Alvonians, attempts at land gains by Alvonia in Central Europe, the closing of the Danish Straits, and the presence of French power in the North Sea.

 

Through the laying of these red lines alone, as well as signaling our willingness to defend them, I believe we can send a clear message of consequence to those who would attempt to dominate our continent."

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For a moment, there would be silence, as Maria took a sip from her cup of tea, before responding. "I would agree on these red lines, as they arequite sensible. Though, there exists one matter where I am unsure of, that is, French assets in the North Sea, in the case Sweden has come under attack. There has been a rather nonsensical regime in Iceland, making claims on Swedish holdings. I would think that should they attack sweden proper, French assistence inevitably will be going through the North Sea. While Romania sees reason to prevent the rise of a hegemony in Europe, especially one that could severely hamper our allies in the Baltic, we would hope to prevent Franco-Sweden from being utterly crushed by revisionist regimes.

 

I would think, the problem with Franco-Sweden is clearly not that they could enter into a personal union. The problem is, what possible implications could stem from it and it is our position that the best way to adress this would be to request from Sweden guarantees that this combined Franco-Swedish power not be used to limit the freedoms of its neighbours in the Baltic, the North Sea and Germany. Added to that, of course the guarantee that the Cisalpine Republic not be attacked. Romania, and indeed the whole of the Eastern Bloc, has not stood in the way of diplomatic settlement. When however this becomes an Alvonian show of military power to enforce a ruthless policy of might makes right, we will not hesitate to respond in kind."

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"In this respect I would be in disagreement, because this would also man that France's Allies would become Sweden's allies should such a Union occur.  Sweden has seemed reluctant to join alliances beyond Europe or its immediate neighbors.  France has had no such reservation.  If foreign ships were to have free reign of the Norwegian Ports, it would pose a clear threat to Britain's control of the Seas.  Such a guarantee in that case would only last as long as it was convinient, in other words to the point where they could amass enough force to change the status quo.  

 

I would say chief among these then would be that the French would need to terminate agreements outside of Europe for Britain to accept a union between France and Sweden.  

 

On the issue though of Denmark that is fair.  My view of it was that the claim was rather ridiculous, but in light of the issue of Sweden entering into a personal union, and lets be honest what would probably be the junior partnership in that arrangement, my thinking is evolving.  At this moment the British Government is divided on how to respond.  Our current policy is to remain neutral and be an arbiter as the dominant naval power, we'd be able to act to stop either the Swedes or the Icelandics from carrying out a policy.  That said, the British policy is pragmatic.  I want Scandinavian rulers for Scandinavia.  If the Swedes don't stop backing French expansionism, Britain may be content to gain a friend in Iceland and let them pound away because its preferable to the security threat we'd face otherwise.  If the Swedes do, Britain will continue to try and play honest broker."

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The Queen would smirk for a moment at the words of pragmatic foreign policy. That was also a way to put it, but at least, it provided some ability to calculate behaviour. "Well, a naval presence by Americans or Asians in Europe would indeed be rather unacceptable. Already at the beginning of this crisis, foreign powers tried to be meddlesome and if they'd have military assets on this continent, it would be even worse. Well, then... I guess as long as Britain holds to a red line of opposing Alvonian expansion, Romania will hold to a red line of French military vessels in the North Sea. How would you suggest such red lines to be presented? And is there any other matter Britain would want to discuss?"

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I would propose piece meal rolling it out starting by a Joint Royal Communique on the Snowhaven Issue along with a formal treaty between Britain and Romania.

 

My proposal would be the following:

 

Article I.  Establishment of Cordial Relations between Britain and Romania

 

The United Kingdom and Kingdom of Romania agree to the formalization of cordial relations between our two nations, including the presence of minister plenipotentiary and high level advisers to each other's sovereigns for consultation in times of conflict.  The two states shall coordinate our responses in Europe and should an issue of insurmountable disagreement on a policy occur, we shall show respect to eachother's differences and not let it strain the relationship.  We shall cooperate together on issues of national significance including geostrategy, rights of navigation, national technical means, norm creation, legal interpretation of international customary law, and prevention of foreign influence against the continent.

 

Article II.    Military and Other Cooperation

 

The United Kingdom and Kingdom of Romania pledge to defend one another in times of trial and coordinate military responses on issues of mutual interest and concern.  The United Kingdom and Romania shall cooperate in fields which involve military as well as other fields that pertain to national security as deemed fitting by each government.  

 

Article III.   Amendment of this Treaty

 

This treaty may be formally amended by the consent of both states.

 

As for the language of the Joint Communique:

 

 

 

Be it known, that the position of the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Romania on the issue of Cisalpinia Republic and its disputes with Alvonia and others on the issues of former Snowhaven, the United Kingdom and Romania give Cisalpinia a guarantee against military aggression or intimidation with the explicit or implicit threat of aggression by other powers.  The UK-R position is that the matter should be resolved diplomatically, but diplomacy cannot mean one side brandishing military force in order to influence the other into compliance.  This is not diplomacy, this is coercion and compellence.  The two may occur together but they are distinct and separate.  

 

The UK-R position also does not recognize the practice of applying a treaty between a defunct state and a current state to other parties, as this constitutes a violation of sovereignty.  The only parties bound by the legal force of a treaty are those who sign it.  We further believe that it is the responsibility f states t advocate for their own positions in order for those positions to be considered by all states party to a disagreement.

 

How does that language sound to you?"

Edited by Triyun
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"Hmmm, a defensive alliance.", Maria would comment. "I am unsure whether a binding defensive alliance is quite sensible. While in this particular issue, Britain and Romania share an interest, I'm not quite sure that this alliance would include much more than common action in case of Franco-Swedish aggression. We both might have more opponents than these though, and I'm unsure, would Britain assist in case Romania would be attacked by, say, Russia?

 

On the communique..."

 

 

Be it known, that the position of the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Romania on the issue of Cisalpinia Republic and its disputes with Alvonia and others on the issues of former Snowhaven, the United Kingdom and Romania give Cisalpinia a guarantee against military aggression or intimidation with the explicit or implicit threat of aggression by other powers.  The UK-R position is that the matter should be resolved diplomatically, but diplomacy cannot mean one side brandishing military force in order to influence the other into compliance.  This is not diplomacy, this is coercion and compellence.  The two may occur together but they are distinct and separate.  

 

The UK-R position also does not recognize the practice of applying a treaty between a defunct state and a current state to other parties, as this constitutes a violation of sovereignty.  The only parties bound by the legal force of a treaty are those who sign it.  We further believe that it is the responsibility of states to advocate for their own positions in order for those positions to be considered by all states party to a disagreement.

 

"Here, with two small spelling errors corrected, it seems acceptable to us."

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"In the case of someone such as Russia the British who certainly would pose a lower thresh hold of a threat, the British would be prepared to offer more limited assistance but still could be useful in swaying.  I would think the mere existence of the alliance though would dissuade other not yet realized threats from moving against one of us would it not?  So long as both of us remain committed to a mostly defensively oriented posture my view is that an alliance serves the purpose of deterrence rather than actual war fighting."

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