Botha Posted April 21, 2010 Report Share Posted April 21, 2010 [IMG]http://i44.tinypic.com/15xadrn.jpg[/IMG] [color="#000080"][i][b]Prime Minister A van Matteus of Transvaal[/b][/i] [i]Pretoria… April 2010[/i] It had been almost two months since the nuclear nightmare ended, but as summer turned into autumn people began to become more restless. Winter would soon be approaching and the government had so far failed to deliver on reconstruction. For the first time in the nation’s history, white citizens on a vast scale were experiencing firsthand the neglect and disdain which their black and coloured neighbours had to endure. [i]“Dis onaanneemlik!” [/i]was heard more and more amongst the Afrikaners. [i]“Unacceptable! We won the war but lost the peace”[/i] Prime Minister Annetjie van Matteus sat alone in her office. In the past couple of weeks she had begun to notice the rising intensity of anger in the [i]Volksraad[/i]. First it was from the backbenchers and opposition – but her controlling majority of representatives permitted her from ignoring them. It wasn’t until those within her own power base, and her parliamentary allies such as Hofmeyr, Steyn, and Strijdom began to quietly and subtly critic the prime minister’s mishandling of reconstruction. She could afford to ignore the bleatings of the DBP opposition; she could not afford to ignore her own party members. Her position in regards to the military was not good either. During the war, she had caught wind of secret contingency plans to re-establish a junta and replace civilian control with military rule. Although she had no names, she suspected Field Marshal Malan would have a part to play in any such adventure. Field Marshal Cruywagen, her commander-in-chief, she could not trust either; his politics made him a constant ideological adversary although he did not have the willpower nor ambition to act against her. She saw two distinct course of action in front of her but neither looked particularly prospective. She could simply retain power by proclaiming a dictatorship to eliminate her rivals. That would keep her in power for the short-term but would make the nation difficult to govern, as most of her rivals she required for the day-to-day management of the country. Or she could dig up a contentious political issue which would divide the National Party but possibly win over enough outside voters to see her re-elected at the end of May. That contentious issue would be the abolition of Transvaal’s ‘[i]blankifikasieheid[/i]’ (‘white’-ification) policy in regards to immigration and population control. Field Malan had instituted the policy a year ago during reconstruction after the Karma War but it had never been repealed on account of its complacent popularity amongst the white population which benefited from the subsequent transformation of whites into a solid majority over the once-feared black masses. By removing the colour barrier, she would inadvertently re-open Transvaal’s racial wounds and likely raise the ire of the Afrikaner far-right – which the policy had essentially extinguished into political oblivion in its wake. However, while she herself supported the colour bar, its removal would gain her strong, vocal foreign support and any of her opponents that dared to support the retention of [i]blankifikasieheid [/i]would be damned by the foreign press as racists. The gamble too was it might also hopefully win her votes amongst the black voters. That was her plan. It was a risky move that could backfire but one she would have to make unless she wanted to see herself out of a job. Unless the Transvaler economy picked up suddenly in the next month, she would have to make the gamble whether she liked it or not. It was not in her nature to allow herself to simply go down to defeat from something as trivial as a ballot box. She first needed to start calling in all her favours overseas. She needed the foreign press to start a vocal campaign questioning the nature of [i]blankifikasieheid[/i].[/color] Quote Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
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