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It's Just the Beginning


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Across Sweden, political parties had begun to arise to represent various sects of the population, whether their political leaning be left, center, or right. The different classes and age groups in Sweden each had varying views on what the set agenda for the nation should be in the coming future. However, one party was founded that could potentially unite the diverse viewpoints under a very common viewpoint: Sveriges Folksparti.


Svante Akerlund was a 27-year-old, still young among Swedish society. Although a recent university graduate, his views differered from some of the more enthusiastic leftists that existed among the younger age-groups. Swedish society, as he very well knew, was divided among the left, right, and the center. The way in which citizens of the country wished for things to be done varied, yet the nationalist tendencies of the Imperial government and the fervor that swept the citizens of the nation alongside it allowed them to bond together under the common banner that still held them together even now. Svante was disgusted in some ways with the past attempts at Swedish democracy prior to the restoration of the monarchy, but it viewed as a failure more so because of the bickering and in-house fighting that took place among the various parties of the nation. By being unable to come together and unite on almost any issue, democracy failed. Even now, such a thing seemed destined to happen with the varying viewpoints of the people still scattered about. Majoring in political science, all of this seemed very fickle and selfish to him, until one day an idea arose in his mind. What if far-right political fascism was combined with the far-left principles of economic communism? Such would be a very odd combination of two common ideological enemies, but using what he learned from his studies he found ways to make such a proposal viably possible rather than just a fleeting dream or a figment of his imagination. He spent the next several weeks fashioning what he would come to know as 'Nationella Unionspolitik' (National Unionism). After perfecting what he saw as his masterpiece in political idealism, he published a pamphlet entitled 'Min ideologiska resa', documenting the ideals of the National Unionism and how it would function under the modern Swedish state.

At first, followers did not flock to Akerlund's ranks as he expected but, with due time he was able to succeed in getting a small handful of individuals together. The individuals with whom he associated himself became known by the codename 'Sveriges Legion'. By working with his projected followers in Sveriges Legion, the idea eventually arose to found a party for the upcoming Riksdag elections within the state. While Akerlund was at first hesitant to found a political party based on the ideals he had created and written upon at first, he eventually caved in to the idea after the amount of faith his followers placed in him became overwhelming along with his own sense of duty to the state. Akerlund and the Sveriges Legion came up with a simple party name that people could relate to: Sveriges Folksparti (Swedish People's Party). Although the name could be mistaken for something far-left, it inevitably came down to such a name as it was the truth. In Akerlund's eyes, the party represented the people. The people would then represent themselves to the Imperial government, and as such, they would convey their relevant interests to the Royal House. The purpose of the Riksdag and the party were one in the same, in a sense. Akerlund begun to plan the party's official logo and submitted an application to the Provisional Government for approval. It took several more weeks, but the application eventually came back as 'accepted', much to Svante's exceptations. The only parties he believed they wouldn't allow would be national socialist/neo-nazi organizations. So long as the party didn't branch farther than fascism, everything was acceptable.

In order to prepare for the Riksdag elections, he distributed a short pamphlet created from inserts of his original. The pamphlet was entitled 'En ny resa' (A new journey) and was distributed both nationally and internationally, in preparation for what he viewed would be a margin of the population's votes and his party's entrance into the Swedish political scene. A conference would be held in the Stureplan inside Stockholm by which the party would introduce itself to the national and international community, giving it a chance to spread it's agenda and goals to the public. In a sense, it would be nothing more than a glorified rally, by that was exactly as Svante wanted it. Citizens, representatives of other future parties, and potentially foreigners were due to attend.

For national distribution, Sverige Legion members distributed it on the streets and had it run in local and national newspapers.

For international distribution, the publication was sent to every government office on Bob with an invitation to the conference.

The pamphlet that was distributed can be seen below:


[i]'En ny resa'[/i] by [b]Svante Akerlund[/b]
Published by the Sveriges Folksparti on 4th May
(OOC: Originally written/created by Michael von Preußen)

[b]=== The Principles of National Unionist Thought ===[/b]

Throughout history, there have been conflicts arising from all manner of disagreements both profound and mundane. Wars have been fought for land, for principle (which includes revenge), and for profit. Of these three most basic of reasons nations, as well as classes of people, war with one another, by far the most prominent cause of struggle is that of principle. Whether it be revenge for land captured in a previous war, or the belief that God has divinely willed the slaughter of millions of people, it is belief in the righteousness of a war, in accordance with one's principles, that is the cause of the majority of conflict.

It stands to reason, therefore, that by eliminating the conflict inherent in those ideologies and principles that most vehemently oppose each other, the majority of conflict can be eliminated. I do not, and would never attempt to, hope for the end of all conflict. Everything I've seen in humanity has shown be that this is impossible. It seems to be in human nature to fight, whether it be a schoolyard fight or a world war, people are drawn to conflict.

[b]==== The Flaws of Marxism ====[/b]

I approach life from a very pessimistic perspective, and perhaps this is why I see this where others don't (or pretend not to). It's the primary reason why Marxism, an ideology I once claimed to adhere to, does not work. Marxism is based off of the naïve idea that all of humanity will be able to get along fine without any law, government, or state. Marxism is an ideology based in the assumption that humanity has as its primary goal the end of conflict. More than that, it is an ideology based in the assumption that people are willing to take the initiative to work together to promote peaceful coexistence. Marxism does not account for the fact that the vast majority of the population is relatively or wholly uninterested in politics. By giving the worker what he wants, the ability to reap the rewards of, and make decisions relating exclusively to, his own labor, Marxism is indeed helping the proletariat. By promoting a directly democratic government as a first step towards the abolition of statehood (and thus the achievement of anarchy, an impossible goal), Marxism is forcing those it claims to help to make decisions regarding the collective whole - decisions which the majority of people have no inclination to make.

Anyone who has studied Marxism, or, for that matter, associated to any degree with Marxists, knows that the goal of Marxism is the creation of a stateless, classless, society. Marx invisioned a world where all of humanity would come together under the banner of the common man. What Karl Marx forgot, however, is the need to accommodate the uncommon man. Not every member of the working class is a politician as well. Furthermore, I am amazed by the Eurocentrism of Marx, who desired the abolition of states and believed that 'nationality' was little more than an arbitrary separation between people. Marx was blinded, purposely or otherwise, to the fact that different people view things differently, or had a right to view things differently, than he did. This led to the development of communism as an extremely absolutist ideology.

Ask any Marxist to consider the merits of an ideology other than Marxism and you will find yourself first ridiculed and then ignored. Attempt to present communism to them as a flexible ideology, one that can be adapted to fit the needs of people in various parts of the world, and you will get a standard response: 'The needs of the working class are universal'. They will not for a minute consider that workers in an auto manufacturing plant in Detroit will have different needs than workers in a mine in Inner Mongolia. Nor will they accept that some people may want a state to keep law and order in a society, something I, for one, do enjoy having.

[b]==== The Problems with Fascism ====
Fascism has always upheld the importance of the state. More than the state, fascism has, historically, upheld the nation as the single most important influence to unify people. And it has shown itself as such. Every nation-state, and even some civil states, utilizes nationalism to some degree. But it is the power of the state that truly makes fascism the most powerful political ideology ever known to mankind.

Centralized political power, such as that under fascism, is the only way to destroy that most vile of forces acting in any state: bureaucracy. By allowing one person the ability to make decisions quickly and forcefully, any problem can be remedied and any enemy can be defeated. The problem that fascism inevitably runs into, however, arises from the lack of checks and balances in the system. The ruler, whoever he may be and whatever title he may hold, inevitably makes a mistake, as all people are prone to do. When this occurs, it results in the nation, state, or group of people that he controls meeting a unified opposition.

The other failure of fascism is in the economic sphere. Arising from my initial embracement of communism, I still believe that every worker should have the right to reap the rewards of his own labor, and make decisions relating to the results of his labor. Fascism, as well as modern variants such as corporatism and national state capitalism, exist to benefit the already wealthy at the expense of the workers and the lower class. This runs counter to the needs of the worker, counter to the needs of the impoverished man, and is counter to the needs of society as a whole.

[b]====Defining National Unionism====[/b]

In defining National Unionism, there are several key aspects of the ideology which may seem like contradictions to political philosophers. In many senses, National Unionism is an ideology of contradictions. It is both a left-wing and a right-wing ideology. It is fascist and communist. It is democratic and totalitarian. It is rule by one and by many. It is, simply put, the perfected example of a paradox.

The method by which National Unionism achieves this paradox in a workable fashion is by separating economic and political power. Long has it been assumed that the two go hand-in-hand. Fascist nations establish the supremacy of the so-called 'free market', communist nations (both ones that claim to be communist and those that more or less are) establish the economy entirely under the control of the government as a representation of the worker, and bourgeois socialist nations grant their governments the right to place limits on the 'free market'. And yet, no perfect ideology has been found. Perhaps none ever will - I am, by no means, an ideological chauvinist. But my interpretation of the reason fascist and communist states alike have failed is because of their dangerous combination of politics and economics.

[b]====Political Foundations of National Unionism====[/b]

Following the example of fascism, and specifically Martenism, National Unionism is established on the basis of political power being concentrated in the hands of one ruler with few limits on his power. However, as was stated earlier, unlimited power inevitably leads to destruction, as shown by the failure of fascist states throughout history. National Unionism provides for an assembly elected by the population. The assembly shall be able to cancel decisions made by the ruler, in a way a reverse veto power. This will allow the assembly to effect moderation on the ruler, therefore providing protection against serious errors on his behalf.

The assembly should be the body to elect the ruler. The ruler-elect should not be a member of that assembly, in order to prevent corruption by the assembly. The assembly should also have the ability to impeach the ruler via a vote of no confidence where an extraordinary proportion of the assembly has lost the confidence of the ruler. Should this occur, the assembly should be given another opportunity to reverse any or all of the decisions made by the ruler while in office.

[b]====Economic Foundations of National Unionism====[/b]

Economically, National Unionism utilizes a hierarchy of councils not unlike the soviets of many communist states. Workers at various labor institutions form councils to govern those institutions. Councils are formed at local, regional, and national levels as well, in order to govern economic matters relating to the whole of those communities and regions and the nation as a whole. Councils are formed by all workers at the local level, by representatives from the communities at the regional level, and from regional representatives at the federal level. As the collective well-being of the national economy, say, is more important than that of a single region, community, or labor institution, decisions made by higher councils overrule those made by lower councils.


Let, then, the doors of the world be opened unto us, that the People's Empire may finally show itself to humanity as not only the destiny of the world, but the only way to save it. Politics and economics separate at last, the people will free themselves of the evils of corporatism and bureaucracy at once. This is our World View. This is the future of the common man; the proletarian. Let the worker control his own destiny by the council, and let the destiny of the nation be vested in one: for the masses delude themselves, but the individual spark of genius may set them on the path to self-actualization.

tl;dr Rise of a new Swedish political party/ideal called National Unionism. Pamphlet of party ideals sent to every gov't office on Bob, along with invitation to conference.

Edited by Elrich von Richt
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OOC: Having another person write the only thing interesting about your country is lame.//

Not only would the message go ignored, but there would be a mysterious blackout of television broadcasts coming from carriers covering the "conference" in the days ahead.

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[b]An extract from St. John's Telegraph
In the city St. John's and indeed all across Canada, anti-facist rallies were held today, after the release of a pamphlet printed by a Swedish facist party was released by the Committee of Internal Affairs. Acording to the organiser of the protests in St. John's Mark Smith, the rally was held as a "show of solidarity to their swedish brothers" and to encourage the swedish people to "resist the facist scourge". The Committee of Foreign Affais has, thus far, declined to comment.

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