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The South American Accords


Captain Enema

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Santiago

 

"Chile has seen nations come and nations go. To this end we mourn the passing of old Mexico and welcome the coming of a new Mexico. While we appreciate all of the efforts of our Central American brothers in assisting the continent of South America, we are going to have to insist that the protecting of ungoverned lands be left to South Americans. Chile has no interest in anything North of the Panama Canal beyond the normal affairs of diplomacy conducted between nations."

 

First Chilean Army Corp

 

"Your orders are to take your Air Mobile Assets and begin the process of securing unprotected lands. You will be assisted by Special Forces teams who will have the task of creating a local police and civil services to tend to local needs," Presidente Juagari ordered Major General Benardo O'Higgins. 

 

"Yes sir," replied the tired looking General.

 

Within hours the first elements of the Chilean 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Infantry Divisions would begin heading to secure the population centers of the unprotected lands. With them would be Special Forces Groups 1 through 4 who are to begin the process of establishing locally staffed and locally controlled police and civil services organizations. With a special detachment of Marines and Naval ships ordered out to sea to secure islands with specific orders to establish a permanent Chilean presence on the Galapagos. 

 

 

Private: All South American Leaders
Re: Teleconference

I think we need to speak on the lands within our continent and how we aim to ensure they are properly guided to full statehood. The Chilean Army has dispatched forces to keep the peace but these are not intended to be unilateral and neither is this move intended to be a long term one. It's merely an emergency measure.

- Presidente Juagari
Edited by Tidy Bowl Man
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President Otero would make time in his busy schedule to attend the teleconference.

 

"I would suggest a series of regional treaties, ensure that we don't appear as a dangerous power bloc to the outside world. Brazil, Patagonia, Gran Columbia, all could be security regions. Only if one showed threat of collapse would all of South America intervene."

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"I think that sounds reasonable to me. I really don't want to dictate to my fellow South Americans how they comport themselves internationally and neither do I care to get overly involved with a regional power bloc. But I do greatly worry about the establishment of basic governance and civil services for local populations who exist within ungoverned lands."

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It was an unfortunate truth that Isabel Vieira had found herself neglecting external matters, her business as premier occupied almost wholly with internal Paráense affairs-- with overseeing the metamorphosis of the Republic from a small, isolationist enclave of civil war survivors and veterans nestled amidst the callous confines of the Amazon, weak of economy and military, into a regional power that could assert itself militarily and economically, and truly play a role in creating a unified, stalwart South America wherein an imperturbable foundation of peace could at last be forged. Great strides in matters scientific, financial, and military had bolstered this hope, as well as the development of new nations with similar concerns-- and though it was by all regards a great disappointment to her to see the collapse of Gran Colombia, staunch defender of South American unity as it had been, it was not all too shocking an event in light of the incidents leading up to it, and the status of the continent was otherwise a bright prospect.

 

There was, of course, also the matter of the conservative Senate opposing her on virtually every matter and all but deliberately impeding what could and would have otherwise been a meteoric rise to prosperity, but that too was a matter to be dealt with in due time.

 

For now, however, Isabel was well aware that continuing to neglect her duty not only as the guiding force of her country but as an active guiding force in South America would not have been acceptable. Was it not true, after all, that it was Pará, all those years ago, that, born into a fractured continent divided along nationalist lines drawn by petty conflicts of the past, had immediately sought to change this? To dismantle those conflicts, and above all the bitter recriminations that lingered from the era of the civil war, and forge in South America an atmosphere of lasting peace and cooperation to serve as an example to all others? In those days, this had, she knew now, been a pipe dream. Pará had been a small, paltry nation, amounting to an anorexic dwarf in comparison to the economic and military might of its neighbours, who, for their part, had been too caught up in their disputes-- perhaps she could even venture to say, too myopic-- to see the bigger picture. Today and now saw a different picture-- one more conducive to what had once been naught but a pipe dream.

 

And therefore the message from the president of Chile served as a much-appreciated reminder to the premier that it was her duty, as it was for all leaders of South American nations, to refuse to lose sight of that aim, and to maintain a steady communication with other South American nations to ensure a peaceful, cooperative coexistence. Isabel therefore replied almost immediately, and was eager to take part in the discussion.

 

"I think it's quite imperative that, in the wake of the loss of control of their protectorate following the recent turmoil in Mexico, we as a continent ensure that those regions affected do not suffer for it. On that note, it seems two possibilities have already been brought, in a way, to the table-- the first being a 'bloc' of sorts that collectively maintains and manages the areas affected, though that's clearly not a popular option. The other, of course, is what President Otero has suggested: security regions. But do you propose that each security region be administrated and maintained by a single given nation-- perhaps by basis of culture or proximity-- or that they be collectively administrated by South American nations as a whole?"

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"That would of course be determined by those within the region. Let me make an example; if a Patagonian security zone was established, I am sure that it would be effectively a mutual defense pact between Chile and my own country. One encompassing all of Brazil on the other hand, could hold many nations, and perhaps be a council or wider treaty web. The collective security of the whole continent would only be necessary if a foreign power attempted to violate our shores."

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"Perhaps the simple solution of creating a neutral entity that is supported by all willing nations in South America could be considered? This entity funded by all would be responsible for policing and governing the areas in need of it. This prevents any one party gaining any sort of territorial advantage. An increase in national borders could be voted on by all involved. This organization could be funded nearly entirely through the collection of taxes from the population being controlled. Further, the vast majority of the manpower could be recruited from that population. Hence saving us a considerable cost and hassle of diverting our own national resources. We basically provide administrative and training support and the occasional bit of extra muscle for those situations that warrant it."

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The Federal Republic President Michael Costanza had also joined the Teleconference. "I agree with what has been said so far. Although my country is split and in internal conflict, I will not shirk from regional responsibilities. I would be unable to commit any assets except monetary and a representative to liaise with other representatives. He or she will then be able to make sure that obligations and situations in our part can be kept. The future of South America I feel hinges on what we decide now."

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At Juagari's suggestion, Isabel voiced approval. "That seems the most reasonable course of actions-- with that method, the regions can be administered efficiently, with the added benefit of providing them with a structure of self-determination that will make a transition into independence all the more smooth and efficient when that time comes. I can say that Pará would quite enthusiastically be willing to provide funding, personnel, and administrative functions for such a venture. I'm willing to commit whatever assets are necessary for the success of this plan if we choose to go ahead with it."

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"I will support this centralized plan under one condition, the recognition that the Democratic-Ubersteinian Republic of the Falklands holds the rights to the lands of Argentina. The Political Assembly is doing what is necessary to change the name as we speak. If this condition is met, you have my full support, and my dedication to the sovereignty of South America."

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"What is the basis of the Falklands' claim to Argentina?" Isabel replied to Otero's remark. "Furthermore, I don't think we as regional powers have the right to sign over land-- and the populations therein-- to a given country. This is something that requires the input of the people living in the territory of Argentina, and, speaking for myself, I cannot look favourably upon a claim to the territory in question without the input of its population."

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"The Falklands themselves do not hold the claim, this is the unification of the greater Argentine nation. Names are fleeting, but culture? Culture lasts, my friend. The people of every city we have taken have supported the unification, the day that Argentina is once again a sovereign nation is only a matter of time. I am simply stating that this must be recognized. The appropriate political changes are happening as we speak."

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Though silent up to this point Archon Steiner who had been listening in and learning about her neighbors spoke up. "I would like to make it quite clear that a portion of Argentina specifically the area of Santa Cruz has became the Lyran Commonwealth as wished for by the people there. Whilst I gladly welcome the Falklands in unifying the rest of Argentina the area of Santa Cruz shall be remaining independent as is desired by its people." 

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Isabel couldn't help but frowned. Otero's overzealous behaviour was, she found, perhaps somewhat off-putting, though there was no reason to suspect ill will or intent in his evident eagerness to 'unite' Argentina. That wasn't a problem, she perceived-- not yet. To this, therefore, she merely commented, "As long as it's the will of the people of Argentina to be unified by the Falklands government, then I can offer no protest to that. That being said, it appears we are all more or less in agreement on the course of actions. A neutral entity comprised of all South American nations dedicated to administrating unaligned South American territory with a generally 'hands-off' policy with regards to more specific duties, which will be left to the territorial authorities. Is that right?"

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"To that end Chile will commit 200 million in funds over the next five years for the initial funding of the organization. Further, we propose that former President Hancock of the Falklands be hired to run the organization. Anyone who brings a nation from the ashes to full statehood surely has all the qualifications needed to oversee the ungoverned lands of South America."

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"May I ask what qualifications Mr. Hancock would be bringing to the position aside from his presidency?" Isabel felt the need to put in. "Excuse my ignorance on the matter; internal matters have kept me preoccupied and shamefully behind on affairs in South America and beyond. Acknowledging, of course, that Mr. Hancock is the former head of state of the Falklands, and certainly guiding a nation through the trepidatious first steps of independence is no mean feat; what is his formal background?"

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"My predecessor is if anything, a competent bureaucrat. The only reason for his removal from office was simply due to a change in direction within the Political Assembly. A professor of political science, and a long time student of Ubersteinianism, he has my vote. South America could not be in better hands."

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"Good evening my fellow South Americans. I am Garret Flores, representative of the Imperio Republica. I first must say that the Republic will gladly give soldiers to aid in protecting its surrounding areas, and wholeheartedly support the effort. I second, will nominate my own man for leadership of this organization. Antonio Silva is my next successor should something happen to me. He had quite a hand in organizing some of the finer details of bringing the nation together and he is just as capable if not more than me at running such an organization. He is ex military, and has a degree in Political science just as President Hancock has. With experience in leading men and the knowledge to form and run the organization from forming and running our own here I believe he is an excellent candidate."

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It was not an ideal circumstance-- with little information on the candidates, and certainly little other than the word of those nominating those candidates to go on. Perhaps this was expressed in the minute twinge of vexation in Isabel's voice as she said, "Well, both candidates, from what I am told, offer certainly adequate qualifications; however, between the two, I am inclined at the moment towards Antonio Silva."

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"To quickly get a firm basis of support, Chile will change its support to Silva. I do believe that at this time we ought to have enough support to formally introduce the South American Organization to the world. It is important to note that the South American Organization will be staffed by persons hired from within the controlled areas and not staffed with national troops unless the situation warrants it. Any comments?"

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"Local forces are of course reasonable, however, I must ask the question of mandates of history and nationality. Native peoples should have the right to self-determination, to establish a union of their own culture, free from Imperialist action and oppression. Look upon my own country's National Assemblies! United under the ideology of Ubersteinianism, but free to express their own culture and live their own lives."

Edited by Gloval
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