Czechoslovak News, Insight, and Developments

[JEDCJT]

Prague, Czechoslovakia:

 

When he was elected Chairman of the Interim Authority Council, Edvard Havel knew he had his work cut out for him. Serving as rector of the Czechoslovak University, one of the largest and oldest institutes in the country, was one thing, but presiding over the complicated process of nation formation was another. Still, his extensive knowledge and experience in political science and international relations (stemming from his Ph.D in International Relations, and from his teaching experiences in various universities in Czechia and Slovakia) qualified him as a suitable candidate for this difficult position.

 

The amount of work on his plate was nearly staggering. In addition to overseeing the drafting of a new constitution and formation of government and administrative institutions, Havel had to work with Athenian protectorate officials, regional administrators, and local government officials to establish the frameworks of a new nation-state. He also had to work with various intellectuals, educators, students, journalists, lobbyists, business people, agricultural and technical experts, and military officials as well. All the while, Havel and the Council had to take careful steps to prevent the resurgence of any Nordic Socialist extremist individuals, groups, or organizations. In other works, the former rector had much to do, and in such a short period of time. 

 

So Havel began his work. Among his first actions were signing an executive order-in-council authorizing a preliminary budget (or a stopgap budget) to fund the government until the formation of Parliament, and ordering a meeting of constitutional experts to convene in a city of their choice. They chose the Slovak capital of Bratislava; at the ancient Bratislava Castle, located on a hill overlooking the Danube River, and chaired by a representative of the Bratislava regional government, this meeting would sketch a preliminary draft of the planned Constitution, based on weeks and months of discussions and advice of the experts. By the time the convention concluded its work, the basic principles would be laid out, such as a directly-elected bicameral legislature, concept of a constructive vote of no confidence, the delimitation of executive power, the delegation of legislative, administrative, judicial, and financing powers to regional governments, and the inclusion of several 'entrenched clauses' concerning human rights and liberties, among others. These would serve as a basis for Havel's convention to build upon when it met in Prague.

 

Afterwards, Havel dispatched a circular missive to all Regional governments in Czechia and Slovakia, requesting them to send representatives to Prague, where the constitutional convention would be held at the historic Prague Castle. Under Havel's supervision, the 'Havel Convention' (as the elected delegates dubbed it) began work on the preliminary draft, refining, modifying, and otherwise expanding upon the Bratislava principles in a series of debates that lasted for weeks and months. 

 

While a Constitution was being finalized (the country was to be named the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic, so as unconfirmed rumors went), Havel turned his attention to other issues. Anticipating the proliferation of political parties, he issued another executive order-in-council imposing an electoral threshold of seven percent, requiring any registered political parties to win seven percent of national votes in order to secure representation in the upcoming Parliament (it was left to the regional government to determine electoral thresholds for regional and local elections). The same order-in-council stipulated that political parties conform to democratic principles, and outlined standard consequences for violations, such as abolition of the offending party by a court. This was intended to preclude the formation of Nordic Socialist (and fascist) parties. The resolution was provisional in nature, meaning a more permanent electoral law would be implemented by the Parliament in the future, but for now, it would establish the framework for the upcoming national and regional elections that were to be held.

 

Several reforms were underway, some of them originating from Athenian protectorate times. Many educational institutions - from kindergartens to universities - were continuing the processes of 'desithization', the purging of New Order ideology from curriculum and lessons. Faculty and staff members were undergoing mandatory evaluations to ascertain their qualifications. At the same time, the Interim Authority Council began authorizing the transfer of funds into such educational institutions, and the regional and local governments joined in. As for the economy, the Interim Authority Council authorized the privatization of several corporations that had been nationalized by the Sith regime, through the voucher privatization system; citizens could be expected to purchase a book of vouchers representing potential shares in a state-owned company for a reasonable price. It announced plans to reform the legal and administrative system governing investment, and to replace the Imperial Credit with the Czechoslovak koruna (Kc, CSK) at some time in the near-future.

 

Lastly, remaining Sith laws and legal practices were in the process of being pruned. Investigations on (ex) Sith Lords were underway, where they would be arrested, prosecuted, and once found guilty of their crimes, imprisoned. Their assets would be seized and used to provide compensation to victims and their families. The Council would work in conjunction with regional and local governments to close down Sith prisons and labor camps, and prosecute officials for their 'excesses'.

 

There were much to do.

Edited April 23, 2014 by JEDCJT

[JEDCJT]

After weeks of slow and careful deliberations, the Havel Convention at last concluded its work, ratifying the Constitution with a supermajority vote. It was now time for the Interim Authority to review the draft for final approval; Havel called a special session of the Interim Authority, where he and the other members thoroughly reviewed the Constitution for a couple of days before ratifying it with a unanimous majority vote. Satisified with his work, Havel proceeded to send copies of the Constitution to the media as a prelude to a nationwide referendum, where citizens would vote to approve or reject the Constitution. Freed from Sith-era censorship, the media predictably went all over the Constitution, with various newspaper articles, journals, blogs, message boards, and talk shows discussing, appraising, or criticizing it. Then came the day of the referendum: millions of registered voters would line up at voting booths across the country, under the supervision of Czechoslovak and Athenian protectorate observers. With a voter turnout of 85%, over 97% of the voters cast their votes in favor. The Czechoslovak Democratic Republic was officially born.

 

According to the Constitution, the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic was a "sovereign, democratic, law-abiding State, based on respect for the rights and freedoms of man and citizen", and dedicated to "observ[ing] its obligations under international law". In other words, it was to be a federal constitutional parliamentary republic. The head of state would be the Federal Executive Council (FEC), and the head of government the First Minister. The Federal Executive Council, shortened to the Executive, is to consist of four councilors directly elected for a five-year term by the Czech and Slovak federal assemblies, with Parlimentary approval, with one designated among the councilors to chair the FEC as the Executive Councilor. As a collective head of state, the FEC concludes treaties with foreign countries with Parliamentary approval; receives the credentials of foreign ambassadors, consuls, and diplomats; co-signs bills with the First Minister; appoints vice Ministers, federal judges, and other federal officials (at the Prime Minister's proposal) for Parliamentary approval; and dissolves the Parliament and call for new elections under very specific circumstances. In turn, the First Minister chairs the Federal Cabinet and supervises their activities; appoints and dismisses Cabinet members with Parliamentary approval; oversees the daily administration of the federal government; influences the federal agenda in regards to domestic and foreign policy; co-signs bills with the FEC; and nominates a list of vice Ministers, federal judges, and other federal officials for appointment. The inclusion of a constructive vote of no confidence was intended to reduce the excesses of power that had characterized the pre-fascist governments in the past. Accordingly, Parliament can remove the First Minister and his/her Cabinet from office only if a designated successor has a majority of votes in both houses (failing that, the PM and the Cabinet can continue as a minority government).

 

The 453-member Parliament would consist of the Chamber of Deputies (lower house) and the Senate (upper house). The Chamber of Deputies, with 303 qualified deputies (200 Czech and 103 Slovak), would serve a four-year term by runoff voting. The Senate, with 150 qualified senators (99 Czech and 51 Slovak), would serve a two-year term by sortition; one-third would be elected every two years. As with most countries, the Parliament would wield a broad array of positive and negative legislative powers, such as debating and passing legislation; issuing, coining, and regulating money through a Central Bank; levying taxes; regulating national and inter-regional commerce; electing and removing the First Minister; modifying the Constitution through special procedures; ratifying international treaties; declaring war and peace; raising and sustaining armies; and participating in the election of the President, among many others. Furthermore, after a federal election, each chamber of Parliament would elect a Presidium, consisting of three to six members. The two Presidiums would elect a fifty-member Presidium of the Parliament, which would serve as the federal legislature when Parliament is not in session.

 

A national judiciary was to be established as an independent, apolitical institution. The Supreme Court was to be the highest judicial authority of the land, to consist of a Supreme Justice and seven regular Justices appointed by the FEC with the approval of Parliament. It would be a court of last resort, to serve as the highest appellate court in Czechoslovakia, and has jurisdiction to resolve certain disputes concerning civil and criminal matters. Next, the Constitutional Court, consisting of twelve Justices appointed by the FEC with Parliamentary approval, was to be the highest constitutional authority and would have the power to ensure the conformity of Parliamentary legislation with the Constitution.

 

In its organization, the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic was to consist of two federal regions: the Czech Republic (capital: Prague) and the Slovak Republic (capital: Bratislava). Both regions would have their own directly-elected parliaments: the 281-member Czech Federal Council and the 150-member Slovak Federal Council. Each federal region would be led by a directly-elected Councilor-General. Each federal region will consist of subregional administrative regions, which will have their own Regional Assembly, and be led by a directly-elected Regional Administrator.

 

The inclusion of the citizens' initiative process in the Constitution not only reflected popular desires to avoid a strong government reminscent of the Sith (and Nordsoc) era, but was intended to increase and solidify public accountability of the government to the people. In this, a certain number of citizens on the regional or local level were allowed, by gathering enough signatures within a specific period of time, to initiate a request to amend the Constitution, enact or repeal legislation, call for new elections, or recall politicians. For instance, in order to recall a federal regional politician, citizens in a federal region will need to obtain enough signatures (1% of the federal regional population) within 180 days in order to trigger a recall referendum, to be convened by the Regional Collegiate. If a two-thirds majority of the Regional Collegiate, and the regional population are in favor, respectively, the politician will be removed from office immediately. The Regional Collegiate was to consist of qualified citizen electors selected through sortition, to be equal to two-thirds of the total number of members of the federal regional parliament.

 

It was now time to declare the existance of the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic to the world. Havel penned a lengthy diplomatic missive to the international community, decrying the fascist past, proclaiming the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic, vowing to uphold fundamental freedoms and liberties, and welcoming dialogue with the rest of the world. Reports from the Foreign Office regarding foreign recognition heartened the Chairman, and he began to think about the direction that Czechoslovak foreign policy would take. Interventionism was certainly out of the question as the fledging Czechoslovak state lacked the means to project power beyond its own borders, much less Europe and the rest of the world (it even lacked the ability to project power at all). Isolationism likewise was out due to globalization; Havel knew the Czechoslovak economy would need to be linked to the global economy, especially through trade, commerce, and transportation with other nations such as Athens, Tianxia, Russia, Prussia, American Commonwealth, etc., in order to prosper. The Czechoslovak state would have to comply with international norms, such as the ban on the development and possession of nuclear weapons, as well. These were considerations, and had to correspond to reality, however: consultations with foreign experts, daily interactions with citizens, various reports, and the media revealed that the Czechoslovak public opinion toward foreign policy were either indifferent or mildly supportive. Surely, they would be open to occassionally commenting on outside events, entering friendly diplomatic talks, and concluding bilateral trade agreements and non-aggression pacts, but they were otherwise pre-occupied with the nation formation process. Indeed, the upcoming Parliamentary election was more likely to pique the average citizen's interest than events happening outside the country. This wasn't to say that every citizen felt this way; there were those who felt strongly about international affairs and events and accordingly lobbied the government about it, that's for sure, but for the most part, most citizens were content to watch with mild interest. Other factors contributing to this muted outlook was the Czechoslovak state's geopolitical position in central Europe (it bordered Prussia to the north, Austria to the west, Russia to the east, and the Athenian Slavic protectorate for the rest), and the lack of external threats (the European Continent was considered the safest and stable region in the world, thanks to the Athenian-led 'Concert of Europe').

 

Not yet able to establish a solid and consistent foreign policy that would link international norms with the domestic interests of citizens, Havel went on to review the level of progress that had been made in the nation so far. Several political parties had been registered with the Election Authority, and were currently in the process of formation, such as the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Socialist Alliance Party (SP), Christian Democratic Party (CDP), and the Freedom and Solidarity Party (FSP). Other parties were in the process of registration, and in some cases being stalled or blocked by EA registration officials, such as the National Conservative Party (NCP), National Front Party (NFP), and Ultranationalist Party (UNP). The electoral order-in-council would be cited by EA officials as way of explanation for the rejection of some parties due to noncompliance of the democratic principles requirement. Next, the Central Bank of Czechoslovakia had been authorized by the Interim Authority, and was in the process of establishing itself in Prague and other cities. In addition to phasing out the Imperial Credit, which continues to be in use for the time being, the Bank was to set monetary policy, manage the circulation of currency, the payment system, and settlement between banks, and supervise the banking sector, the capital market, the insurance industry, pension funds, credit unions, and foreign exchange institutions. Sith-era labor camps were in the process of being closed down and dismantled, while regional and local governments were preparing comprehensive reviews of their pententiary systems. Any jails and prisons that did not meet the new standards would be shut down as well and their officials penalized.

 

It was a busy time in the country.

Edited May 3, 2014 by JEDCJT

[JEDCJT]

PRAGUE, Czechoslovakia - The Czechoslovak Interim Authority conducted the nation's first census in decades. This was to be conducted on a decennial basis, and was to be utilized to apportion representatives and direct taxes among Czechoslovakia's regions. Persons dwelling within the borders of the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic (such as citizens, non-citizen legal residents, non-citizen long-term visitors, and illegal residents) were included in the figures. The last census was conducted by the Greater Germanic Reich, which 'distorted' the figures to over-represent Germans citizens, and impose heavy tax burdens upon the Czech and Slovak peoples. The Sith Empire had planned to conduct a census, but it collapsed before it could do so.

 

2014 CENSUS DATA, as compiled by the Czechoslovak Statistical Office:

 

Total population: 15,633,227

- Czechs (6,506,603; 41.2%)

- Slovaks (4,556,818; 29.1%)

- Hungarians (475,139; 3%)

- Ukrainians (56,285; 0.3%)

- Others/undeclared (4,127,172; 26.4%)

 

Population by Federal Regions: 

Czech Republic: 10,162,921

- Czechs (6,473,781; 63.7%)

- Moravians (497,983; 4.9%)

- Slovaks (142,281; 1.4%)

- Ukrainians (50,815; 0.5%)

- Poles (40,652; 0.4%)

- Germans (20,326; 0.2%)

- Russians (20,325; 0.2%)

- Hungarians (10,163; 0.1%)

- Silesians (10,162; 0.1%)

- Other/undeclared (2,896,432; 28.5%)

 

Slovak Republic: 5,470,306

- Slovaks (4,414,537; 80.7%)

- Hungarians (464,976; 8.5%)

- Romani (109,406; 2.0%)

- Czechs (32,822; 0.6%)

- Ruthenians (32,822; 0.6%)

- Ukrainians (5,470; 0.1%)

- Others/undeclared (410,273; 7.5%)

 

Religion by total population:

- Roman Catholicism (5,659,228; 36.2%)

- Non-religious (3,564,376; 22.8%)

- Other religions (781,661; 5.0%)

- Undeclared (4,361,670; 27.9%)

 

Religion by Federal Regions:

Czech Republic:

- Non-religious (3,272,461; 32.2%)

- Roman Catholicism (1,056,944; 10.4%)

- Other religions (955,315; 9.4%)

- Protestantism (81,303; 0.8%)

- Undeclared (4,593,640; 45.2%)

 

Slovak Republic: 

- Roman Catholicism (3,391,590; 62%)

- Non-religious (733,021; 13.4%)

- Protestantism (486,857; 8.9%)

- Greek Catholicism (207,872; 3.8%)

- Slovak Orthodox (49,233; 0.9%)

- Other religions (27,352; 0.5%)

- Jehovah's Witnesses (16,411; 0.3%)

- Undeclared (579,852; 10.6%)

 

Major cities by population:

- Prague (capital): 1,268,796

- Bratislava: 413,192

- Brno: 385,913

- Ostrava: 296,224

- Kosice: 240,688

- Plzen: 170,322

- Librec: 102,754

- Presov: 91,638

- Zilina: 81,515

- Banska Bystrica: 79,775

 

[JEDCJT]

(OOC: The Parliamentary elections and subsequent elections takes place after the Hotel Europa conference)

 

IC:

 

In the months following the ratification of the Constitution, the Interim Authority had been carefully monitoring the electioneering process at the federal and regional level. Chairman Havel received daily reports on the activities of the five registered political parties - the Social Democratic Party (SDP), Socialist Alliance Party (SP), Christian Democratic Party (CDP), the Freedom and Solidarity Party (FSP), and the National Conservative Party (NCP) - as well the actions of election officials. The parties' leaders and supporters were busy reaching out to their target constituents, recruiting new members, creating their campaign staffs, composing their campaign messages (identification of issues, ideas, and goals), and raising private and public campaign funds.

 

However, Havel also began receiving troubling reports about violence instigated by Nordsoc elements in some cities and towns. In Tabor, a South Bohemian city located southwest of Prague, a group of Nordsoc militants attempted to attack an election booth, precipitating a bloody clash with the police, which resulted in at least a dozen of casualties. In the Slovak town of Prievidza, two voting booths had to suspend its activites for hours due to threats of violence; and there were small clashes in parts of Brno and Kosice. Czech police preemptively prevented at least two planned major attacks in Prague, arresting and detaining the ringleaders and their supporters in the process. And not to mention, there had been small protests held by Nordsoc supporters and sympathizers (suspected to be from the banned Ultranationalist Party, which was nothing less than a front of the fascist New Order Party) in Prague and Bratislava prior to the referendum.

 

Although the violence was generally small, it nevertheless brought up the question of public safety, and Havel was determined to ensure the safety of citizens on Election Day, and to figure out a way to preclude Nordsoc influence in all levels of government and future political programs without undermining the individual rights of citizens and violating the frameworks of the democratic state. He issued an executive order-in-council tightening security at election booths across the country, ordered the Czech and Slovak police to coordinate their activities, and increased surveillance on actual and suspected Nordsoc activists. The end result was the gradual reduction of Nordsoc-instigated violence, as the increased presence of security personnel deterred potential attacks for the most part.

 

As the election progressed, competition among the SDP, SP, CDP, FSP, and NCP were very intense. There were spirited political debates across Czechoslovakia's electoral districts, where each party did their best to formulate and present their ideals in a way that would attract electoral support from their target voters. The Socialist Alliance Party, for instance, managed to garner wide support from its voter base in cental and northern Moravia, central Bohemia (including Prague), southwestern Slovakia (including parts of Bratislava), northeastern Slovakia (particularly the city of Banska Bystrica), and several adjacent municipalities and rural districts (such as Senica, Revuca, Spisska Nova, and Martin). There were extensive media coverage as well, with discussions in talk shows, radio programs, Internet forums, newspapers, and blogs in many cities and towns.

 

Elections for the Chamber of Deputies were held first. After millions of voters cast their votes on Election Day, and their votes thoroughly tallied, the election results were as follows:

Socialist Alliance Party (SP): 34% - 103 seats

Social Democratic Party (SDP): 26% - 79 seats

Christian Democratic Party (CDP): 18% - 55 seats

Freedom and Solidarity Party (FSP): 14% - 42 seats

National Conservative Party (NCP): 8% - 24 seats

 

However, according to the Constitution, if no political party is able to obtain a simple majority, the party with the highest votes will have to form a coalition government with two parties with the next highest votes. This meant the SP would have to enter into a coalition with the SDP and CDP, with the FSP and NCP becoming the official opposition. Following the elections, SP, SDP, and CDP leaders entered into negotiations over the formation of the Government. Although there were slight disagreements and abstention over certain issues (such as taxation and the minimum wage), the leaders of the three parties were for the most part in agreement (opinion polls indicated that the party rank-and-file in three parties were mostly in support). They signed an agreement, and a poll conducted in three parties several days later confirmed it.

 

Elections for the Senate began with the dispatch of invitations to qualified citizens randomly selected from the Permanent Register of Electors, corroborated by the 2014 census report, where they could decide to enter their names into a draw for future candidancy. Next, positive respondants were placed into a pool in their electoral districts, where they were organized into groups based on equitable distribution of gender and age. They were then invited to information meetings to hear presentations about the Senate, and publicly asked to confirm their eligibility and qualifications (they had to be a legal citizen, be at the age of majority, hold academic degree from an accredited institution of higher education, have a clean criminal record, and not be associated with racist, nationalist, or hate groups). Their names would be sealed into secure envelopes and placed into a civic lottery; two people from each district pool (one man and one woman), would be randomly selected. A national consensus conference were subsequently convened by the Interim Authority in Prague, where the selected citizens were randomly selected by sortition, and appointed to the Senate.

 

Following the elections, the first Parliament of the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic would duly assemble in Prague, where one of their first actions were approving a stop-gap budget to fund the Government until the Budget Management Office presented a formal budget to Parliament in the near-future; electing an intra-chamber Presidium (which would be tasked with selecting a Presidium of the Parliament); and formally confirming the orders-in-council issued by the Interim Authority. During that time, elections for the Federal Executive Council were held, where the newly-elected Czech and Slovak Federal Councils elected four qualified individuals to the position of councilors: Vladimir Lukas, Jan Kramar, Robert Kiska, and Ivana Kovac; this was confirmed by a special session of Parliament. In turn, Lukas was unanimously selected Executive Councilor. Weeks later, a smiling Edvard Havel personally congratulated the new councilors before formally dissolving the Interim Authority and delegating its powers and responsibilities to the new Federal Executive Council.

 

After deliberations among its members, the FEC would nominate SP founder and leader Vaclav Tomas as the First Minister, which was ratified by both houses of Parliament after lengthy debates. After consulting with SP, SDP, and CDP members, Tomas was expected to compile and present a list of proposed candidates for Cabinet positions to the FEC. Likewise, the Supreme and Constitutional Courts were gradually established through a lengthy process in which their respective Justices were appointed by the FEC with Parliamentary approval.

 

Part of the national reformation process was complete. The Czechoslovak federal government was now permanently constituted in place.

[JEDCJT]

PRAGUE, Czechoslovakia - First Minister Vaclav Tomas submitted a list of Cabinet nominees to the Federal Executive Council for approval. After discussion, the FEC approved all of the nominations, and the new Cabinet members are to assume their seats in the first Cabinet of the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic:

First Minister: Vaclav Tomas (SP)

Second Minister: Edvard Konrad (CDP)

Minister of Foreign Affairs: Julius Silas (SDP)

Minister of Internal Affairs: Radana Zeman (SP)

Minister of Finance: Jan Havel (CDP)

Minister of Defense: David Jaromir (SDP)

Minister of Justice: Gabriela Renata (SP)

Minister of Labor: Jan Eulalia (SP)

Minister of Industry: Havel Lubomir (SP)

Minister of Trade: Martin Radko (SDP)

Minister of Health: Rene Stefan (CDP)

Minister of Agriculture: Robert Gasparovic (SP)

Minister of Transportation: Marian Zdislav (FSP)

Minister of Energy: Erik Strasky (SP)

Minister of Immigration: Vladan Kamil (NCP)

Minister of Regional Development: Gustav Dubcek (SP)

Minister of the Environment: Vladimir Jarek (FSP)

Minister of Culture and Sports: Benjamin Dalimil (SDP)

Minister of Social Affairs: Natalia Husak (CDP)

Minister of Science and Technology: Beata Jaroslava (SP)

Minister of Disaster and Relief: Andrej Miloslav (CDP)

Minister of Human Rights and Equal Opportunities: Zuzana Boleslava (SDP)

 

[JEDCJT]

Classified

 

The Ministry of Defense had been conducting a review on the formation of a permanent national defense force, based on preliminary evalutionary reports compiled by the Interim Authority's Defense Commission. In the first months following Czechoslovak reformation, the nation's defense depended on Athenian protectorate troops and citizen militias that had been formed at the initiative of local and regional authorities. Due to the geopolitical position of the country in the center of Europe, insulated from outside attack by a cordon of powerful and friendly neighbors, the Czechoslovak militia numbered no more than 12,000 regulars armed with a mixture of natively-produced Czechoslovak arms and obsolete Athenian weaponry that dated back to the 1980s. 

 

It was now time to establish a professional defense force on a more permanent basis. According to the MoD review, a tentative force of 50,000 personnel and soldiers were to be established in the form of the Czechoslovak Defense Forces (CDF). Out of that total, 38,000 troops were to form the framework of the Ground Forces (CGF). The CGF was to consist of two rapid deployment brigades, eight mechanized battalions, four light motorized battalions, two airborne battalions, three tank battalions, two HQ companies, two artillery brigades, four artillery battalions, and two artillery HQ companies. Furthermore, the Executive Guard (EGU) would form part of the CDF as a institution separate from the CGF. Consisting of two guard battalions, a support company, and a band, the EGU would be responsible for protection of the Federal Executive Council, First Minister, and other federal government officials; arrange and perform military honors for visiting foreign leaders, dignitaries, or diplomatic officials; and defend executive government buildings, and other designated buildings, such as the Prague Castle, the Parliamentary Building, and the Bratislava Castle.

 

The MoD report stated that as part of its development strategy, the CGF will have to replace part of its technologically obsolete weaponry and material, modernize its armament and equipment, provide mechanized troops with wheeled armored carriers, develop military science and theories, establish command and control systems, implement passive surveillance systems, and revitalize communication infrastructure, among others. Existing military bases and installations will have to be modified and reinforced (and new ones constructed), recruiting stations established for enlistment purposes, training facilities and academies opened, laboratories opened for the purposes of chemical and biological protection, and passive surveillance facilities established as well. The report identified the necessity of developing or acquiring supersonic fighter aircraft and subsonic aircraft, new wheeled combat vehicles and armored personnel carriers, main battle tanks, multiple-launch rocket systems, mortar batteries, helicopter gunships, artillery hunting radar, anti-tank weapons and systems, night vision equipment, and off-road trucks.

 

Next, the MoD report envisaged the formation of a sixty-squadron air force consisting of at least 360 aircraft of all kinds. These aircraft - fighters, interceptors, strategic and tactical bombers, military transport aircraft, reconnaissance, rotorcraft such as attack helicopters and gunships, trainer aircraft, and AWACS - would have to be developed or acquired from allied and friendly nations. Missiles and armament of all types (surface-to-surface, air-to-surface, surface-to-air, air-to-air) would have to be produced or procured as well. As with the Ground Forces, airbases and hangars will have to be modified and reinforced (and new ones constructed), recruiting stations established, training academies opened, laboratories opened for the purposes of chemical and biological protection, and passive surveillance facilities built.

 

As for the militias, they will be converted into the Civil Guard, to serve as a reserve military force. With 12,000 personnel and troops, and administered by the Civil Guard Directorate in the MoD, the Civil Guard is to serve as the first line of defense in times of war and would be organized into units stationed in each federal region (Czechia and Slovakia). Normally, Civil Guard units are under the command of their respective Councilor-General (the head of each federal region), but could be federalized by the Executive Council, at the request of the MoD, to enforce federal law, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions as accordingly. The tentative size and organization of the CDF as outlined in the MoD review were conditional on the upcoming federal budget that were to be complied by the Budget Management Office and approved by Parliament. 

 

Lastly but not least, the mission of the CDF is to defend the Czechoslovak Democratic Republic from outside attack; safeguard its existence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence, and its democratic and human rights values; enable it to meet any external defensive commitments; and to effectively deal with other issues of importance such as natural disasters and environment protection. The CDF was to be based on three pillars: defense of domestic territory, protection and defense of its airspace, and capability to participate in external operations using fully-trained and equipped mobile forces.

Edited May 8, 2014 by JEDCJT

[JEDCJT]

PRAGUE, Czechoslovakia - In a press statement, the Central Bank of Czechoslovakia announced that the Imperial Credit would cease to be the legal tender after January 1, 2015, and encouraged citizens to exchange their old Credit notes and coins for the new Czechoslovak koruna (CZK) at the corresponding exchange rate of 1:1 before that date. The koruna would be divided into denominations of 0.1, 0.2, 0.5, 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 200, 500, 1000, 2000, and 5000.

 

---

 

PRAGUE, Czechoslovakia - The Budget Management Office submitted its long-awaited report to Parliament. According to its calculations, the gross national product (GDP) was estimated to be roughly around Kc11.275 billion. Based on revenue data, public sector expenditures, and funding requests from the individual Ministries, the federal budget was estimated to be around Kc3,382,504,549, or Kc3.382 billion. The composition of the budget is below: 

Industry, agriculture, and employment: 3% (Kc101,475,136)

Transport: 3% (Kc101,475,136)

Social services: 4% (Kc135,300,182)

Housing and environment: 4% (Kc135,300,182)

Debt: 4% (Kc135,300,182)

Public order and safety: 5% (Kc169,125,227)

Defense: 6% (Kc202,950,273)

Education: 13% (Kc439,725,591)

Health: 18% (Kc608,850,819)

Social protection: 29% (Kc947,101,274)

Other: 11% (Kc372,075,500)

 

The proposed budget will be submitted to the Chamber of Deputies for a first reading, in which it would be formally introduced to the public, and will be presented to a Committee of the Whole for a second reading. If approved, the budget would then be submitted to the Executive Council for final approval, in which it would come into effect for the next fiscal year (July 1 to June 30).