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Francoism is Dead I have decided to divorce myself from Francoism for several reasons. First of all, though many of the founding tenets of Francoism remain true, they are expressed from the viewpoint of a long gone time. To the majority of the population, the ancient heroes are simply legends or rumors. It was a time of glory in a world four times more populated than today's apocalyptic wasteland. Second, Francoism is NPO-centric. Anything that happens outside of NPO is not considered Francoist, regardless of historical parallels. As I was only a Pacifican under the benevolent reign of Cortath, I do not wish to be affiliated with the crimes committed outside that time in the name of Francoism, including my own EZI and the disbandment of IAA. Third, Pacifica itself does not actively support the original tenets of Francoism. There is no attempt by Pacifican Leadership today to link alliance policy to Francoism. So, if Francoism is NPO-centric, but not NPO policy, that means Francoism is a dead ideology. A strong case can be made that Francoism went inactive when Vladimir went inactive. With these points understood, it becomes clear that, although Vladimirist-Francoism is dead, it deserves a living heir. As stated by the General Program of the now defunct Revolutionary Order Party, which would influence the 2014 June Constitution of LoSS: Articles like The Meaning of Freedom and The Sage and the Student still hold tremendous vitality, but as they represent the events of a time long-gone their lessons must be re-interpreted and applied against the issues we struggle with today. Inactivity is Death An ideology is not relevant if it does not constantly struggle against competing ideologies for dominance. It is through the conflict of ideas and rhetoric that an ideology hones itself into a weapon. However, a weapon can be used by different types of warriors. Some warriors, as a consequence of ancient military conquests, revolutions, and political struggles, rise to a very high social position within an alliance, and being satisfied with their accomplishments and fearing to seize more, they use it as a citadel against new warriors who would come and replace them. Over time, they become less active, and others would rise to take their place are blocked from ascendance. The internalized aggression that results forces talented newer players away, and slowly the alliance stagnates from within. This aberration of the spirit is what slowly strangled alliances like LoSS, until a revolution occurred in June of last year, when I rewrote the constitution of LoSS and the alliance prepared for a rejuvenating merger into SNX. It is arguable that the vast majority of peripheral and secondary alliances are in this condition today, with national capital locked in the administrative hands of inactive leaders, incapable and undesiring of leading their alliance to new victories. They are the old men who spend their mornings golfing with the good old boys, who ignore the urgent messages of their subordinates, fearing no wars abroad, no loss of membership, for their positions are comfortable and secure. No external war will sweep their AA ownership away. Alliance Rejuvenation Then there is a rarer type of leader. This leader does not age, has inexhaustible energy and Will. Even in old age he is fit and deadly, and experience has only honed his physical and mental capabilities. He is the natural conqueror, the Ivan Moldavis, Electron Sponges and Francisco Francos of old. He does not build his alliance into a citadel against internal struggle, but instead, welcomes struggle. More importantly, he is an expansionist. Rather than driving off foreign talent, he will continuously lure them in with new executive positions, and build an ever expanding empire abroad, supporting the formation of new protectorates and build an aggressive military-industrial complex capable of protecting them. He will not allow ministers to become content with their position, but will hold them accountable to planned goals and the rivalries of others who would struggle to serve instead. He has an understanding of strategy and political necessity. He will see threats and act against them. He will build alliances with the strong, and teach strength to the weak. He will fight in the vanguard where the fighting is thickest, never taking prisoners, and always urging his comrades forward. Knowing that he cannot be everywhere at once, he strives to inspire others to greatness. He will teach that strength is in obedience, that only through a unified doctrine and ideology can cancer be driven out and the alliance reach its full potential. This type of leader comes from within the common ranks, the younger, more ambitious, more active membership. To him, this world is not old and stagnant, but vibrant and full of life. The word "We" and not "I" is what he says frequently. He is the Alliance Superman, never tiring, never giving up, but always struggling for prosperity and Order. A New Producerist Order What makes the Alliance Superman so powerful is that he does not strive for position, for social status... he strives for Order. When you combine Belief with Will, not even the heavens will deny you. This is because when enough people see the world a certain way, the world cannot help to become that way, it cannot fail to become the dream that you have for it. While others laugh and scorn, you are busy building, box after box, foundation after foundation, not serving bureaucratic whims, not following some insipid plan, but following what you know to be true within your heart. And slowly from the dirt a new building rises, and the alliance improves. Any member can become an alliance Superman if he follows his heart and does what he knows is right. He does not scorn his adversaries within, but rather, he pities those who cannot see past their own noses. He grasps that his strength originates from the comrade next to him, and that there is always a comrade in a worse position than himself. He is willing to sacrifice hours that could be spent on rest and pleasure lend a hand to a comrade in need. One could say "yes, but must I sacrifice alot?" That is the glory of giving! When you sacrifice for your Alliance you can hold your head high. Knowing that even as a lowly recruiter you are recruiting a future Superman; even as a lowly diplomat you are forging ties that strengthen your alliance. You should never be content to say, "This is what I have done;" instead you must say, "This is what I Will myself to do!" The Producerist State will never fall from the sky, but instead it must be cultivated within the Alliance membership. I know many of you have been frustrated that, no matter how much work you put into your alliance, nothing ever changes. Sometimes the old bureaucracy must be swept away to make room for something new and more dynamic. A bureaucracy should not serve the needs of the bureaucracy, but should instead be disciplined, should be held accountable to planned goals. Activity is not enough; what an Alliance really needs is ferver, fanaticism, unyielding belief! And only within the producing elements of the common membership can these values be found! Help Yourselves! The Producerist Ideal can be distilled into the following Virtues: Tenacity at Work Efficiency of Action and Word Physical and Moral Courage Absolute Loyalty in personal relations Firmness in Decisions Affection for Comrades Hatred for Enemies of the Alliance Honor and Faith in Oaths taken Respect for Tradition, But at the same time desire for the accomplishments of tomorrow It is through these values that an Alliance will rejuvenate itself, establishing stability for its membership, and guiding the Will of the Alliance in the direction of ambition and strength.
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(IC) Global Analysis: Contemporary Political Schools of thought
The Zigur posted a blog entry in The Lannister News Network
Thank you for joining us today in a new segment called Global Analysis. GA segment will break down complex political debates analytically, allow you to make an informed decision as a loyal alliance member and citizen of the globe. Many years ago, this world was discovered and invaded by colonists. The first to arrive in their ancient ships were the proud and free people of GATO. They established the ideals of open government, freedom of speech, and civil rights and staked their claim on this world. Soon after, the might of Pacifica arrived, bringing Order to Chaos with their mighty war machine. From these origins sprang the original political philosophies of CN, which would impact both war and peace. With Francoism held high by Vladimir and the founders of the Order, NPO dominated CN for years with complete control of the hegemonic superstate founded in their image. They eventually broke GATO's will, and their ideology stood unchallenged until the foundation of Vox Populi. Vox proved that Pacifica under the reign of the Mad Emperor could be defeated with a coordinated network of revolutionaries and political enemies. Less than a year after Vox Populi formed, the Pacifican hegemony crumbled. If GATO was Greece, and NPO was Rome, then Karma was the barbarians at the gate. An era of Global Feudalism followed with numerous wars between various coalitions and alliances, and world population fell radically. Enter today's political atmosphere. Much has changed since civilized times, but several spheres have developed, most of them formed around an ideology. Today I will go into a brief analysis of each political ideology, and how each relates to the post-hegemonic world. Neo-Imperialism Mirroring the decline of Rome or even modern Russia, Pacifica's modern ideology is a descendant of what was in its prime called Francoism. Francoism was written by Vladimir and sought to establish both historical materialism as doctrine, and Pacifican history as proud. Over the years, Pacifica's retained her culture and pride, but generally abandoned political doctrine. This has resorted in a form of militant neo-imperialism which attempts to regain Empire openly for the sake of national pride and power, rather than on any materialist context. Neo-Imperialism holds together Pacifica and her foederite allies such as NSO, Non Grata, GATO and TLR. NPO is considered undisputed political leader with Pacifica's Emperors time and time again declaring themselves leader. Democratic Liberalism Generally, democratic alliances have either been resoundingly successful or abject failures. With a limited, educated membership democracy can perform very effectively, and elected government tends to represent their members interests well, and often produce the best FA leaders. Platysphere is very democracy oriented, with TOP, MI6, Umbrella and a number of direct and indirect alliances utilizing democracy. With a solid membership, democracies tend to produce stable FA plans and cool-headed thinking. Democracies require good membership, while autocracies need good leadership. Aged democracies Democracies like ODN, R&R and GATO (and many others) are often high in membership, indicating strong culture and an extensive history but sometimes also inefficiency and bureaucracy. Leadership is sometimes weaker as a result compared to more streamlined and active democracies, and often find themselves confused by the frequent wars that envelop them. Polar Liberalism If NPO is Rome, then NpO is Byzantine. Polaris has been much better positioned after Karma, and today has become a beacon of the CN Enlightenment. Many ancient philosophers (including from Vox Populi or Cult of Justicia) reside within Polaris, likely helping lead to Emperor Dajobo's benevolent style of leadership. This strength of philosophy has gathered unto it many lower and mid-tier allies, and Polar's star guide many in this age of conflict. Modern Neutrality Neutrality is not always so gentle. Neutrality has been attacked twice, once many years ago by the Mad Emperor Moo, and once more recently by Mushqaeda. Indeed, neutrality has revealed several shades, with some alliances like GOP reserving the right to engage offensively on behalf of neutrality. Still, even with Mushqaeda, the general sleepy quality of neutrality has not been shaken much with neutral nations continuing to grow while wars envelop the power spheres. The Lulz Most Lulz players are long gone, inevitably losing influence in the continuing struggle for survival that CN represents. While still culturally celebrated in many alliances, lulzy political moves are generally discouraged in the modern age as the global situation slowly stabilizes over a period of several years. Generally, even historically lulzy alliances comply with diplomatic norms today. Some believe Mushqaeda was the last gasp of lulziness in CN, and consider the phenomenon a coincidental 2000s fad. Doom Politics, Isolationism and others Doom Politics generally revolve around the alliance DBDC and represent an extremely powerful, high tier group of individuals who believe that friendships and relationships should guide foreign affairs. This point of view is celebrated by a number of alliances allied to or near DBDC on the treaty web. Isolationism is, of course, isolated in phenomenon but represents a number of alliances who are not neutral but also try to avoid entangling treaties. Isolationism varies greatly from alliance to alliance. OOC Ideologies like Communism still inspire a number of modern day alliances like INT and often still lead to bloody disagreements on the small to medium alliance scale. This is, of course, not a rigid interpretation. It is merely an analysis, and like all analytic products it can be wrong. So share your opinion on how modern politics works! -
The days grow short as a modern Lannister soldier patrols at sundown. I was born in the long winter. Struggle is all that I know. My first nation declared sovereignty in the aftermath of the Third Great War. Neo Waianae was a refuge for the Hawaiian Nation, a place where our people finally had a homeland after hundreds of years of oppression. But even in the tropics, the long winter clawed into our very souls. Thousands of nuclear detonations left the world enveloped by nuclear fallout, the aftermath of one of the greatest conflicts the world would ever know. Temperatures were well below freezing in tropical Neo Waianae, May 2007 Our people were not prepared for the cold, but our tropical location saved us. In the North, entire nations froze to death, Presidents and Kings starved in their bunkers after their citizens froze in their homes. Worse, there were rumors of evil things with anonymous faces that crept in the cold, slipping through windows, stealing babies from the crib for an warm meal. Defeated soldiers of lulz from the Great War perhaps. The winter was much harsher in northern climates The long winter lasted years. In the warmer months we would see a little daylight for a few hours, but in the cold months when the storms reached the tropics, the night reigned supreme for more than half the year. We should count ourselves blessed, because the children of the North never knew the sun until the long summer began to shine in 2009. A few hours of daylight would bless us in the "warm" months Wars were harsh back then. In the cold, there was no room for mercy. The Imperial Assault Alliance was one of many alliances that were crushed by a desperate hegemony over scarce resources. My soldiers were among the best trained in the world, but what could they do against waves of starved, hardened men who came from a far harsher cold and desired the little warmth we enjoyed. IAA soldiers defend a town in Neo Waianae against Pacifica's might In Vox Populi, many high-profile fugitives continued a war for survival, but with arrival of the long summer the movement fell apart. By early 2010, the summer was here in strength, and many of us who had endured the winter for so long abandoned our wars and conquests to enjoy the prosperity the sun brings. I made my peace with Pacifica, understanding the necessity of ruthless actions in the winter cold. My struggle in the long winter made my adoption of Francoism natural. For over three years we have enjoyed the longest summer in living memory, and there is no place for a winter ruler in the days of the sun. I resigned all titles, and enjoyed retirement as new leaders rose and fought and struggled in the warm daylight. The evil, creeping things went into the far north and slept. Summer Soldiers fighting Summer wars And now I watch as summer soldiers fight summer wars, and a generation of summer children take power, unaware of the perils that winter brings. Wars are no longer cruel, no longer fought for survival. Peace terms are generous, and the conquered live to fight another day. They do not know the winter, never experienced peeing in the cold, the sharp bite of whipping wind in subzero temperatures. The temptations of cannibalism. Trying to stay awake, knowing sleep means certain death. Brace yourselves, winter is coming. This one will be longer and more cruel, and bring with it dark nights and creeping terrors. Few will heed this warning, and fewer still will survive. What can summer soldiers do when the night comes? What are blood feuds and grudge matches next to the heartless cold? Few enough of us remain to remember those years. May God have mercy on us all...
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"And who are you," the Mushroom said, "that I must bow so low? Only a soul who was in NPO, that's all the truth I know. Babyjesus went rogue, GOONS hit LAW, but a Mushroom still has claws. And mine are long and sharp, My Lord, longer and sharper than yours." And so he spoke, and so he spoke, that Lord of Mushqaeda, but now the rains weep o'er his hall with no one there to hear. Yes, now the rains weep o'er his hall and not a soul to hear. -- The rains of Mushqaeda Yesterday I finally arrived in Harrenhal to begin committing Lannister forces against what remains of the Mushroom Kingdom's militant wing, Mushqaeda. Two weeks into the war, Mushqaeda has been effectively routed, with nations continuing to flee the AA in an attempt to escape the King's Justice. Some have questioned the motives of those who later joined the cause to destroy the radicals of the former Mushroom Kingdom. Crusaders from around the world, ranging from volunteers of the Zulu tribes of Africa, to the NATO forces of Europe, even Hawaiian warriors serving House Lannister, have demonstrated the power of righteousness in defense of global stability. The results have been quite spectacular, with Mushqaeda outnumbered on a massive scale and most being hunted down as terrorists and war criminals. I have not seen such an utter defeat in years. In just two weeks time, the Mushroom Kingdom was lead to total annihilation, not by a man, but by the false god they call "Allachron." For a sound and experience military force to be so quickly rendered irrelevant is a testament to politics and strategy trumping the sword and fundamentalism, and reminds me of the defeat of Stannis Baratheon at the battle of Blackwater. So far, the response has included distinguished alliances such as The Terran Empire, Zulu, Green Old Party, The Phoenix Federation, and many others, with more joining almost by the day. It is likely that the Mushlims thought the conflict would merely last a couple weeks, but those of us who are students of material analysis knew that the global response would be overwhelming. I'm afraid Mario would be rolling in his grave at the antics of the Mushrooms. Although the Mushlims may well find their 72 princess peaches awaiting in paradise, I find it highly unlikely that they will find any peace in this world until they renounce their false god and are Born Again with baptism by zero infrastructure. After all, when one crusader falls, two more join. In the end, such is the cost of winning a Kingdom, but failing to hold it.
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This article is best read while listening to .The world of practical men often has occasion to laugh and mock the theorists and theories that seek to explain their domain. "What is the point of it all" they scoff. Why question such basic causes, connections, goods, evils and truths when they’re so obvious to me? They sit smugly, surrounded comfortingly by their common sense, attempting with the last of their strength to live in an independent, practical 'world of the real'. And in each moment they fail to recognise that every action they witness and every truth they know is nothing but the lingering imprint of some dead and defunct theoretician. One practical man looks at a war and sees a battle between alliances, another sees a battle between moralities, yet another a battle between cultures, and another still a battle between classes. Each is quite certain in his own unique truth, reacting to it in his own unique way as a result. And so the theory that he mocked as purposeless just moments before quietly welcomes him into its fold. Slowly the practical man must come to the realisation that far from being the master of his domain, he is but a slave of the theorist's. It can be seen therefore that every man, no matter how practical or introspective he may be, is operating based on the hidden assumptions, truths and demands of an underlying theory: the only difference is how much he realises it and thus how much control he has over his own actions. If the man fails to realise the reality of the structures, powers and influences around him, then no matter how revolutionary he considers himself, no matter how inspiring his voice sounds to his own ears, he is doomed to exist as just one data-point in millions as he perpetuates the hidden hand that controls him. We can see these practical men in every gutter and every office around us, working away diligently and thinking themselves accomplished. We saw it in the downfall of the Continuum, as so many practical men came out of the woodwork to proclaim a new world on the basis of... of what? A desire to see it? Like so many before them they were blind to the realities of power and structure. They had failed to investigate, to analyse, to theorise, and so they found themselves duped by the one-eyed king who knew how to use the structures and sought only to crown himself atop of them. The great self-proclaimed ‘revolutionaries’ of an age were buried to the eulogy of useful idiots, renewing that which they were revolting against, left as neither destroyers nor creators, forgotten to the pages of dust and mould. It is the folly of the celebrated great men in every epoch -- preachers of death, revolutionaries and kings alike. If you cannot see the realities of power and structure, if you are blinded by the golden robes of its momentary occupants, then you cannot rise to truly control, destroy or create anything. You are forever a slave and never a master. And as the defunct theory that serves as the foundation of your 'practical' action is undermined and destroyed by contraduction, the destructive life-denying force of nihilism begins to take hold and destroy you along with it.
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For this most auspicious anniversary of the establishment of the Order Written by Comrade Letum. When Comrade Francos Spain proclaimed the founding of the New Pacific Order on September 1st, 2003, he held no “little red book” to instruct his fellow revolutionaries on how to embrace his vision of a brand new world. Instead, he led by example, institutionalizing many of the practices he had developed since the start of the August Revolution five days earlier. Always a man of the people, Franco's actions established a radical and earth-shattering new order, and the personality of this single individual had a tremendous influence on the group of Pacificans which were drawn to his light. Today, seven years later, his example still shines, having provided the impetus for the formal codification of his practices into our Francoist Ideology and his spirit lives on in the burning fire of revolution that lies in the heart of each Pacifican. Comrade Franco created a true meritocracy. The Status-Quo But that mere word is insufficient to fully explain the unprecedented nature of the Pacifican revolution. After all, every system will ostensibly claim to be ruled by those with “merit”. To truly see how Franco's revolution differed from the illusions of inevitable failures in other governments, we need to first see the jarring contrast from the regime he fought in those bloody August days. Thedoc's regime was corrupt and exploitative. These simple words capture the essence of the most common abuse of false self-proclaimed meritocratic societies. Invariably, an individual or group of some skill will elevate themselves to leadership based on their “merit”, but once they have gained that power, they will do everything possible to entrench themselves and head off any challenges. “Elites” such as the pre-revolutionary regime therefore focus on creating a system that promotes their own interests rather than fostering the skills of those under them. Elaborate oligarchic systems will often be developed to support this status-quo and incompetent yes-men are rationalized as “sharing the vision” of the leader, and thus being able to provide synergy to the team. Such thin veneers of lies are elaborately constructed to cover a corrupt system of groupthink. By using “rule by the best” as an excuse to legitimize the status-quo, elitist governments promote social stratification and stagnation. A Meritocratic Order But Comrade Franco challenged that status quo, and continued to challenge it even after assuming power. In his spirit, a true Francoist society always retains a focus on eternal revolution and constant reinvention, allowing for the meritocratic fire to burn constantly rather than fizzle out. This, in turn, strengthens the adaptability and endurance of a modern state. By embracing this concept of eternal conflict, by retaining its identity as a revolutionary Order, the New Pacific Order can thus build a Meritocracy of practice rather than words. That is not always something easy to do, as humans, in their state of nature, are often prone to greed and defending their interests. To let its meritocratic ideal survive over generations, Francoism will thus seek to lift each nation from this chaotic state of nature and bring them to a state of Order. This, Comrade Franco would accomplish by his actions – the very actions that have now been codified into our philosophy. He was humble and sought no titles other than “Comrade” or “Delegate”, seeking input from all Pacificans, no matter their rank for his policies. This created the principle of “no man is above the order” that stands in stark contrast to Thedoc's regime and other counter-revolutionary governments that seek to set themselves apart from their people via a policy of stratification and entrenchment. Thus, Franco created the system that we now know as the Autocratic Democracy of the order – a system which retains the rigid authority and hierarchy that a military order requires, yet manages to be a government for the people, by allowing participatory decision-making as in Franco's example, and by being an entirely voluntary institution. Indeed, such was the strength of the new system, that many of those opposed to it and those who tried to unseat it were inevitably sucked into it. Much of the second generation of leaders that succeeded Franco's initial revolutionary cadre were former opponents of the Pacific ideal, and the trend of converted rivals finding their true self in the halls of the Order is one that has persisted onto this very day. The sheer amount of individuals who initially opposed the Francoist ideal but eventually came to serve it is staggering, and a testament to the ability of Pacifica to develop those nations to their fullest potential, both materially and spiritually. The Creation of the Pacifican Identity But such endless struggle, both against counter-revolutionary forces and against stagnation, is not an easy thing, and it has had a tremendous influence on our Identity. The Revolution was a fire of creation, and it has taught us to live in fire ever since. It is key to our evolution as a rigidly military order – one ready to fight at a moment's notice – but also to our cohesion and brotherhood. Our shared burden and shared vision has created a community so tightly wound together that it can be mind-boggling to outsiders who cannot understand the self-sacrificing utilitarianism that characterises the spirit of our members. Pacificans truly embody the ideal of asking what they can do for the order, rather than what the order can do for them, and will give their for the Order and for their Comrades. To this very day, no man is left behind in the order, a principle which this author experienced in his very first day within Pacifica's embrace, when the Order vociferously defended his temporary senate seat on another team against external interests, despite the lack of political advantage (and the mistrust that shared history must have created). It is in part this shared spirit, the spirit we inherited from the August revolution, that we are able to rise above the state of nature where greed and corruption stifle any attempt at a meritocracy. And it is also in part due to the denial of these baser instincts that we are are able confront a unique challenge that has faced the meritocracy construct of the order since the very first day of revolution, that of an over-abundance of talent and forceful personalities. If a meritocracy exists to promote talent, then how would it function if all higher-level positions were already occupied with people of exceptional merit? It is no secret that much of the upper and middle ranks of the order display leadership skills far in excess of the very top brass of inferior alliances, consequently making competition for places much greater. In this too, we have learned much from the practices developed in the revolution by Comrade Franco, who ruled with his people at heart. Franco's Spain created an extensive bureaucracy, but was always sensitive to the need for equality amongst positions and the prevention of abuse; and indeed, being an innately humble man, would not hold his own position over that of the Pacificans he interacted with. He therefore succeeded in making merit not be dependent on power, which also had the happy effect of dodging the bullet of inadvertently encouraging the sort power-mongering behaviour often visible in counter-francoist forces. And though power is indeed wielded by the best in the Order, it does not act as a reward. Instead, the Order seeks to incentivise meritorious behaviour, not just by promotions, but also by systems of internal rewards as well as praise and public recognition. Such positive reinforcement always follows in the footsteps of Comrade Franco himself, who was always careful to give praise and credit where it was due. Seven Years On It is this system – authoritative and participatory, disciplined and revolutionary, cohesive and meritocratic, that saw its birth 7 years ago. While few of those who saw the light of revolution still abound, the unbroken cultural inheritance defines us to this very day. This is an important day for the Order, and no man in the world can claim to have done what Franco's Spain did in 2003. And now, after all these years, the Order still stands as an endless revolution against chaos and disorder. We stand a bit over a year after the Armageddon War. We stand 3 months after the end of the most destructive peace in history. Despite all odds, even today, the Order's call of Peace, Strength and Prosperity rings true. We have more infrastructure per nation than ever before. Our levels of technology per nation have recovered to pre-Karma levels. We have an absolute dominance in military wonders amongst alliances – particularly in MP's and SDI's, with Polaris and MK serving only as distant competitors. We have the largest nuclear arsenal in the world – larger than ever before. Today, 7 years on, the New Pacific Order is still adapting. Still growing stronger. Still leading the charge of a revolution. Long Live the New Pacific Order! -
The recent discussion on Francoism and communism sent my mind back to early 2007, when one EuroSoviets wrote an analysis of Planet Bob from a Marxist perspective. Of course, this was aimed squarely at the then would-be communist alliances, which based themselves on a (often a downright reactionary) utopian idealism that grated on the nerves of a number of leftward-inclined Pacificans. But in going back over his essay today it is striking how similar it is to modern Francoism, despite being written a full 7 months before The Meaning of Freedom. In flicking back through I realised how much of his insight I had missed in my original reading at the time, and from this there is the interesting implication that two independent individuals could reach effectively the same conclusions on such issues independently of one another. It is therefore an important essay to read not just on the history of Francoism, but also on political theory as a whole. But I'd be lying if I tried to claim that it was an easy read -- the best things in life are rarely free. Filled with Marxist concepts, and even a quotation from Das Kapital, it's heavy going and often difficult to fully comprehend. I will therefore quote the essay in full before going on to break down the important sections. The first thing that one notices of course, is the form that it takes in being a full-on and unapologetic Marxist analysis. For our purposes here we have to look through this to the essence of the piece, picking out the important arguments and laying them bare. EuroSoviets opened his work with what was then a bold assertion to the left alliances: "there is no grand international proletariat." This was important not just in the political implications that it had, but also in that it indicated EuroSoviets' materialist method. Far from taking 'classes' from another reality and assuming their existence in ours, he looked at our reality and saw that they didn't exist; that Planet Bob was classless. Both the method and the conclusion are, of course, central premises of Francoism. His main point in this first section was summed up at the end: "the greatest socialist alliance will be the one that breaks down to the greatest extent possible barriers between nations and maximizes co-operation in production" Once again we can immediately recognise the Francoist position here. In seeing the barriers inherent between nations EuroSoviets immediately moved that the optimum outcome was to minimise these barriers as far as possible and maximise cooperation. This is, of course, his way of describing the Francoist state of nature and the necessity of removing nations from the chaos of that follows from it, with the greatest alliance being that which most reduces conflict and thus increases cooperation. This previous point and its link to Francoism is emphasised shortly afterwards when he states "There exists a perfect anarchy (in terms of international relations). Nations are forced to co-operate for the purposes of mutual security." Here we find the state of nature laid out explicitly, along with the self-interest that drives the formation of alliances. This next quote will be one of length, for it is the first attempt to develop the Paradox of Freedom and the Freedom of Potential: "Consider the use of NPO banks to be like leisure time in a socialist utopia. If one wishes to learn, one learns. Because one develops new abilities as a result of this learning, one contributes these abilities to society, in the best form possible, as determined by that society. So, one borrows what one needs, improves oneself and as a result of increased capacity, repays, having benefited immensely from these socialized repositories." There isn't much that needs to be said to explain this, but we can recognise first of all that having done away with conflict through cooperation, EuroSoviets' has moved on to discuss what a free nation would do. Work and leisure time have merged together and nations begin to pursue their potential in whatever field they desire, thus improving themselves and the alliance. Or in other words: they are free to pursue their potential. He then enters on a discourse of democracy, a full year and a half before I or anyone else had subjected it to their own full analyses. Moreover, in the course of this discourse he put forward the basic outline of Autocratic Democracy: "the true embodiment of [democracy] was armed Paris. [...] The point that Marx herein makes is that there are higher expressions of democratic sentiment than mere votes. [...] Votes are a mere shadow of democracy; other alliances can keep their shadows. We prefer the real thing." It is such quotations that must make one wonder why this essay has been lost to history for so long! He puts forth the idea that votes aren't democracy, they are merely an inadequate middle-man -- a shadow -- that acts more often to exclude the population than include it: the people themselves are the true democracy. And so, after cutting through the difficult flesh of the essay and going directly to the bone, we find within it an early conceptualisations that later became central to Francoist analysis: the state of nature, the paradox of freedom, the freedom of potential and autocratic democracy. One can but tip his hat to this great forerunner of modern Francoist thought, whose under-appreciated contribution outlined so much that we now take for granted.
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Of the Rise and Fall of Class Francoism's founding conception of the world was that of two mutually antagonistic classes fighting for control over limited resources. After years of having little alternative to the ruling class's conception – a view of the world through the spectacles of atomised individuals, great leaders and mighty regions – it proved a revolutionary idea that found widespread support amongst the oppressed sections of the population. Outlining in words what many had felt in practice for years, it became a powerful paradigm through which thoughts and actions could finally be calculated and articulated. But this conception was for another world, and nearly six years on it has become a tool of confusion rather than clarification; of intellectual enslavement rather than emancipation. We find ourselves combating both the straw man critiques of our enemies and the resultant disorientation of our comrades. Thus through this elucidation we hope that friend and foe alike will be turned right way up, where they can appreciate the theory in its full historical context rather than trying to cram its square form into our circular world. Of Historical Context The class analysis of Francoism posited a simple thought: that there was a qualitative social difference between feeder regions – the regions where all nations were created – and user regions – the regions that were created by individuals and recruited to from the feeder regions. Working from these base facts the analysis determined that there was a basic conflict of interests between the two types of region, as the feeder region sought to create and maintain its population and the user regions sought to either pull them away to their own regions or harness their power through other means. From this Francoism derived two classes: the feederites who held the interests of the feeder regions to be primary, and the userites, who held the interests of the user regions to be primary. In all cases the axiom between equal rights, force decides proved itself concretely. Userites, having by their nature a superior class awareness, were far more active in pursuing their interests, but when the class consciousness of the feederites surfaced, owing to their socialisation as a collective rather than competing short-sighted individuals, it was a thing to behold. These dialectically opposed interests made themselves known in many important ways, for not only did they lead to the userite exploitation of the feeder regions in terms of recruitment, but they led to user regions seeing in their interests the necessity of controlling the feeder regions themselves – in putting aside their sectional interests to open up their political-military power for personal profit. It was in this context that Francoism developed. Userites held control over the vast majority of feeder regions, their success in spreading false consciousness among the feederites was unparalleled, and the extent of the exploitation of the feeder regions was almost incomprehensible. The goliath feeder regions with their membership numbering in the tens of thousands found themselves subservient to the whims of the much smaller userites and their organisations. Those that dared fight back for their own interests found themselves under intense political pressure at best, and under military occupation at worst. What this analysis meant to the Francoists was nothing short of the necessity of armed revolution. The userites would never leave voluntarily and the regional mechanism of delegates and endorsements made anything but the most superficial and temporary reform impossible. In order to regain control over their lives and their regions, the feederites must overthrow their respective governments and install feederite rule. Feederite rule meant nothing short of the ejection of all userites and userite influences from regional government, the creation of new feederite institutions, and solidarity with feederites in other regions. Above all it was an unforgiving revolutionary rule and would remain so for as long as the userite threat remained. When the first feederite revolution took place on the 28th of August 2003 it shook the userite world to its core and provoked an unprecedented response that lasted for years – a response that would be echoed and exceeded in all subsequent feederite revolutions. The userite state was deposed, the userites themselves cleansed from the region, and it was made amply clear that the region would no longer be a userite satellite state. In this revolutionary theatre developed the first truly feederite institutions. Among them were the Senate, the Praetorian Guard and the Civil Code, but most important for the contemporary student was autocratic democracy. The physics of the feeder region were simple: every UN nation could attach their endorsement to other UN nations and the nation with the most votes became delegate. The delegate was in an all-powerful position, with (among other things) the ability to eject and ban any nation from the region. Due to this it was necessary first of all to place absolute power in a single individual who would then represent the class in all things. It was through this necessity that the class composition of the feederite government combined with the physical laws of the universe and the fire of revolution to bring about this intrinsically feederite institution that survives to this day. But there were also a great many things that the revolution did not attempt to bring. The first was the question of perfect equality among the class. It is true that the toll booths from feeder region government to userite organisation hierarchy were demolished, and their fares of 40 silver pieces expropriated, thus removing the possibility for one to rise above the region while still commanding it, and in this regard there was a certain equality. But within the region itself a meritocratic ideal was universally adopted, and those with the ability to rise (rather than those who did userites the most favours) were permitted, and indeed, encouraged to. Likewise, class rule was never a latent or peaceful thing. If one challenged feederite rule then they were doing the work of the userites and promptly removed. In this there was no hesitation or regret, either from the delegate or the masses. The feederites were building something magnificent, but in order to do this they had first to survive against the userite forces of the entire world, and in doing so they had thoroughly militarised themselves. Threats were dealt with swiftly. Of Contemporary Context While only the briefest overview, it should be evident by now what class was, what it meant, and above all how important it was to Francoism. The astute reader, then, will begin to wonder why it is still discussed outside of the narrowest parameters at all. Today there are no feeder regions and thus no feederites; no user regions and thus no userites. Indeed, there are no conflicts along these lines and thus no classes at all. One might try (as many epigones have) to ascribe certain attributes from those classes to individuals or collectives today, but without the material basis for them they are less than meaningless. Can one describe freedom, sovereignty and anti-imperialism today as the class-analysis Francoists used to? Those Francoists were for self-determination against userite exploitation, but in all circumstances for interregional solidarity with other feederites and feeder regions. Which of these positions do you adopt, or do you try to adopt both and arbitrarily pin them on different groups? For them freedom was class rule, but where will you find this class today? No matter what option you choose or how you dress it up you are handicapping yourself. Just as you cannot take the gravitational force of the moon and apply it to calculations on Planet Bob, nor can you take class analysis from another world and apply it here. But this is not to say that nothing can be taken or learned from class-analysis Francoism. As previously noted a number of institutions are still with us today, born out of class conflict but adapted to new conditions. Likewise with precedents in law, philosophy and strategy. There is much to be taken, you must only be careful that you take the right things. Of Misrepresentation and Materialism Unfortunately much of the confusion on the matter of class stems from consciously fraudulent misrepresentations of theory; misrepresentations that are likely to continue even if not a single unilluminated corner is left for genuine confusion to hide in. Nevertheless it falls to us to dispel the misrepresentation wherever it arises, for such a fundamental error if left unchecked leads to innumerable mistakes and gradually revises much more over time. Genuine confusion on the matter can only arise in the absence of a materialist outlook – the bedrock on which all of Francoism is based. Materialism at its most basic is the idea that base material reality – the physical laws that govern our world – gives rise to superstructure – culture, government, etc. This is a result of the first and continuing activity of nations and alliances being to organise around the physical laws of the world and their natural reactions to them. Of course it would be remiss to ignore the mutual relationship between the two, where superstructure acts back upon the material base to an extent, but the relationship remains as explained. It follows therefore that one cannot understand things independently of the material base, and that when the material base changes so does the superstructure and its implications; thus the disappearance of class from the material base dictates the disappearance of class-analysis from the ideological superstructure.
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It has been popular for some time now to flaunt one's knowledge of Francoism by dismissing it as 'changing every few minutes to whatever suits Vladimir and the New Pacific Order'. Given this, one would expect there to be dozens, hundreds, or perhaps even thousands of internal contradictions and inconsistencies within the philosophy, as it is forced to sway one way and then the other. Yet, despite this, and despite my directly asking to see a single such contradiction every time I see the criticism made, none have been forthcoming. Why is this? Well, it is clear to me, as I explained a few months ago, that it is purely political. But I live to be proven wrong, and therefore open the floor to: The Francoist Challenge. You start off in a darkened, circular, stone room. There are two doors in front of you, and an old man in a cloak. Through one door, fame and fortune -- a shiny place in every future post directed against myself or Francoism. Through the other, dreary self-enlightenment, where study and critical thought have rendered you an independent mind -- a fate surely worse than death. You move forward, but the old man steps out in front of you, saying nothing, but not allowing you to pass. Not until you show yourself worthy of one door.
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A quip of mine has come up a lot recently: that what is in one's objective national interest cannot be determined by a national polling. Or, to put it another, more direct way: just because you want to do X does not mean that X is in your objective self-interest. There are various examples I use to demonstrate this, such as a lemming wanting to run off a cliff or a mental patient wanting to bang their head against the wall. Clearly neither of these is in the individual's self-interest from an objective point of view, yet they believe otherwise and pursue their goal with vigour. Thus the quip offhandedly notes a truth that I see to be self-evident and indisputable, but it is also a truth that tells us much more than is currently appreciated. The essence of the argument is that there are two types of self-interest, subjective and objective, and that the goal of the alliance should be to unite these as closely as possible. The subjective is simply one's opinion of what they should do -- run off a cliff or hit one's head against a wall, for example. The objective is what can be scientifically determined, and it is this that my work seeks to engage. The Slavery of International Rights, for example, pointed the objective desirability of an international anarchy over the then-popular subjective interest in an international legal system. Likewise The Meaning of Freedom outlined the objective desirability of freedom of potential over the still-popular subjective desirability of absolute freedom. Sometimes these lead to counter-intuitive conclusions that people don't like -- how can rights be slavery and an Emperor be freedom -- and it is this gut reaction that epitomises the subjective interest. The conclusion is unbelievable not because of a scientific counter-argument but because it feels wrong. An absolute sovereign shouldn't be necessary for freedom, it goes against everything many individuals are taught from day zero. This brings us to the elephant in the room, which asks us: why do so many, even those intellectuals who have considered the questions, hold subjective interests that are in contrast, or even contradictory to, their objective interests? It's a question that demands far more intensive study than can be provided here, but there are a number of points that we can touch on. The way that individuals enter alliances and the manner in which their material reality inside that alliance shapes their opinion is of primary importance. We can see, for example, the insanity particularly of the early days when nations were taught from birth to hate the Orders, and did so blindly without ever knowing anything about them. Moreover, here the individual and the alliance are caught in a feedback loop, with the alliance teaching the individual, which then becomes the alliance and teaches more individuals, perpetuating the cycle. It is in these early days that the most basic of assumptions are implanted into the individual, and even after the more vulgar propaganda has begun to fall away, they are incredibly difficult to shake once they have been build into the very foundation of one's education. We can also recognise the passive role of base objective reality for keeping its distance from individuals in day to day life. That is to say, objective reality is not an obvious constant at the forefront of the mind. If one is finding oneself bombarded by propaganda, the sate of nature and all of its implications couldn't seem further away. And unfortunately reality won't come and punch you in the face to get your attention like it might in other worlds -- there are all manner of subjective interests pushed in front of the objective even in the most blatant of examples. This all develops what one might call a 'false consciousness', where the subjective overrules the objective to the long-term detriment of the individual and the alliance. The Francoist can only hope to explain the objective interests beneath the subjective shell that is consumes us every second of every day. Unfortunately the Francoist can't make the horse drink.
