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Showing results for tags 'Eva-Nippon'.
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The mood in Tokyo as the scheduled meeting between the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Japanese Prime Minister approached was marked by a certain pessimism and fears of the looming threat of war. Over the last week, East Asia had mobilised its forces and prepared for a confrontation that seemed more likely by the day. While the temperatures had risen, diplomatic relations were at a historic low and it seemed unlikely that they'd become any better anytime soon. The visit of Minister Matveyev to Tokyo was thus a slight glimpse of hope, met by the people with some positive feelings, but still overcast by worries that overall, nothing may be achieved and war would break out sooner or later. If the normal citizen of Tokyo felt uneasy due to being powerless in the face of high politics and the possibility that their life may meet a sudden and brutal end in a harsh war that could even become a nuclear affair, Prime Minister Akiyama Kagami was feeling not much calmer, knowing that if someone in Japan could still salvage something, then it was up to her. Much depended on a certain level of trust that the other side would actually seek peace, something that was neither guaranteed nor easy to believe in anymore. Yet, it was a prerequisite to make talks more than a mere waste of one's time and by now, there wasn't much else that could be done to achieve deescalation. It was the first meeting of Russians and Japanese since the North Pacific Harmony Conference in Marscuria, and the first such meeting within unified Japan. The two nations, despite the fact that Russia was the sole neighbour with a common land border Japan had, had mostly been ignoring each other, something that was unlikely to return. The Prime Minister thus prepared for a meeting that seemed not easy, but a bit overdue. The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs would be asked on the scheduled time of Minister Matveyev's arrival, and everything would be prepared for the meeting to hopefully be somewhat of a success.
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While Japan was on quite horrid terms with the American Commonwealth, the rise of new states was seen as a chance for Japan to improve its general ties to the Americas. The Rist Confederation was such a new state, and while it at first glance seemed somewhat unruly, it seemed at least some place to start. And who knew, maybe things at times had a different side to them once one looked more closely. Using a flight from Tokyo to Honolulu and from there to the Confederation, Minister of Foreign affairs Nakamichi Minoru would go to meet the Council or a representative thereof. A message would be sent to the Confederation beforehand, informing them of the details and of Japanese acceptence of their terms, given that the neutrality of the Rist Confederation was to be respected.
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Sometimes, Akiyama Kagami just hated her job. Sometimes, it was just gruelling, painful and frustrating. Having to make sure that her nation was secure, not falling behind, that its interests were attented to and maybe at times making some gains, just to have some positive experiences as well... it was quite tiring. And while her post as Prime Minister paid quite decently, it also was still behind the wages of the management of some larger bank or industrial corporation. But then, this was the position Akiyama had, which she felt responsible for and which she deemed, noone else could do adequately. This was were she was needed, to make sure everything went alright and her country had a future. And while the pay was not the greatest, it definitely allowed for affluence and the public attention was quite nice... well, most of the times it was nice. Akiyama pondered on her position in silence, as she waited in her office in the Kantei. Sitting more comfortably in one corner of the room that had been set for a nice afternoon tea, with several comfy seats around a small table, the Prime Minister awaited her guest. Usually, she hated having to deal with business during her afternoon tea break, but this time, it just fitted there best and so Akiyama made an exception. She just prayed that it'd not be too bad. Most likely, she'd take a break later, when the situation had calmed down some. A nice short break from work. After all, even an elected leader should be able to look after themselves from time to time and when it was no emergency, one could trust the administration to actually do what they were paid for. Her mind drifted off a bit, when suddenly Tsukino cut into her field of vision, putting down the steaming hot tea pot before her. "The tea water is ready, Akiyama-dono. When will our guest arrive?" "Huh, eh, what? Ah, any minute now. You could show them the way.", the Prime Minister responded, somewhat surprised, as she was torn away from her dream world. Tsukino merely bowed and left for the front door, to await the American President. As she closed the door, Akiyama sighed. She really should take a break for once. But that would need to wait for now.
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As a sovereign state, the Dai-Tōhoku Renpō reserves for itself the right to posess an armed force in order to protect its own national integrity, as well as objects and persons that are essential to the national security of the nation. The armed forces of the Dai-Tōhoku Renpō shall serve the following purpose and be structured and equipped accordingly: Safeguarding the political sovereignity and territorial integrity of the nation, as well as protecting its citizens from foreign aggression. Assisting civil authorities in relief operations in the aftermath of natural or man-made disaster. Assisting the Empire and allied nations in defense of their interests. Supporting the Empire in operations to preserve peace in the Pacific. Preventing foreign state or non-state actors from threatening the regional peace in the Asia-Pacific region. Preventing hostile state or non-state actors from being able to harm the Japanese nation. To this end, the Dai-Tōhoku Renpōgun shall be created, consisting out of the following branches: Dai-Tōhoku Rikugun (Ground forces) Dai-Tōhoku Kaigun (Naval forces) Dai-Tōhoku Kūgun (Air forces) Additionally, the following five special institutions are to be created: Jōhōhonbu (Military Intelligence) Keimutai (Military Police) Kaiheitai (Marine Corps) Kūteiheitai (Airborne forces) Tokushu Sakusen Gun (Special forces) OOC: Military Actions Thread. Classified. Edit: Added Nippon tag.
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The NHK (Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai/Japan Broadcasting Corporation) is the national broadcasting service of Japan. Owing various TV channels and radio networks, the NHK is available almost everywhere in Japan, but also has is available to international audiences via the NHK World channel, in both Japanese and English. Prime Minister Nakamichi announces nation-wide elections for the Diet With Japan united in one nation state again, Nakamichi Minoru, having assumed the position of Interim Prime Minister has announced elections. While according to the inherited structures from the Dai-Tōhoku Renpō the Nakamichi would still have two years in his current term, the Prime Minister followed the advice of Governor-General Konoe and large parts of the old Diet to announce elections to preserve the democratic quality of the coming years, as the three quarters of the Japanese people outside the Northern regions have not been able to vote on the current government. The elections are expected to take place within two weeks.
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The Blue House (Cheongwadae) and the fountain displaying the Asian phoenix (Bonghwang). Following a short exchange of communiques, Minister of Foreign Affairs Nakamichi made his way from Tokyo to Seoul, in order to meet with the Korean President. Prime Minister Akiyama personally had counciled with him the day before about the agenda to be discussed. After all, the matter was a bit complicated, the relations with Korea seen as quite important and Akiyama had her own ideas on the matter that she wanted to see adressed. And she wanted them adressed her way. While in some matters, Akiyama conceded a bit more freedom to Nakamichi, as was usual for previous prime ministers, Akiyama preferred to have more of a say in certain relationships, to the point that Nakamichi became just a decoration for the office. He was not too happy about it, but it couldn't really be helped. The Prime Minister was a person that commanded only moderate affection, but immense power over the party and the administration, being maybe not great at getting along with others or feeling empathy, but knowing quite well whom to approach how to get her will done. And so, the Minister of Foreign Affairs sighed, put on his best smile and went to discuss matters with the President of a seemingly stabilising and strengthening Korea.
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"It is hardly enough, is it?" Tsukino was used to hear Akiyama's musings in the morning, when she visited to provide the daily report. But seldom did she see the Prime Minister this serious. Maybe it was the morning hours, and Akiyama being no morning person, but normally it were trivialities that were uttered. However, the stone grey eyes of Akiyama glared with determination at Tsukino, who felt slightly uncomfortable with the strange attention. "What is, Akiyama-dono?" "Our efforts. We are not going far enough." Tsukino was puzzled over Akiyama's words. "For what?" Akiyama stared at the wondering Tsukino, before turning towards the paperwork on her desk. Shifting through the different notes she had received while asleep, she countered with a question. "Tsukino, why are we not seen as a great power?" Silence fllowed, as Tsukino tried to think of a response, which she finally gave, albeit a bit timidly. "Are we not at least considered a power? We have surely attained a position to stand next to the defeated Commonwealth, if not Russia." Akiyama sighed. "Let me rephrase the issue, Tsukino. Would you deem Russia to be a power next to Tianxia?" This time, the response needed far less time. "No?!" Akiyama did not look up, but continued. "Of course you don't. Because it's a preposterous idea. Any child knows they are different. And do you know why?" Akiyama didn't wait for a response this time, answering her own question. "Because while the both seem in a state of relative decline, Tianxia is a systemically strong nation... just ruled by a man that has nowhere the stature of his father. Russia is a systemically weak nation, that can't go anywhere beyond its borders as it stands. And people know that difference. They remember the days of Yuan Jia and know what Tianxia is capable of, of how Tianxia once dominated the world and Yuan Jia surpassed the British Empire in his control of the globe... what is there to recall with Russia? How they assisted in beating up the Northern Imperium to get their colony in Vancouver? How they almost lost against the Pure Lands? Some power that is... yet, they still hold a higher position in global affairs than us." Tsukino stayed quiet, merely listening, as Akiyama rambled about the perceived status of the powers. "As said, our efforts are not enough, Tsukino. This might be called the Japanese Empire, but look at Russia... Empires aren't forged by treaties and agreements. They are forged by blood and steel, as I think Bismarck put it so eloquently. Because when it comes down to it, the ultimative argument will always be the force upon which a country can fall back on. Which is why people fear Tianxia... not necessarily Russia." Tsukino sensed an opportunity to throw in a retort, as she stated. "But you did state we do need to avoid war with Russia." The Prime Minister frowned. "Well, first off, a war is a war, an expenditure of ressources. And what would you want of the Russians? More Karafuto? Some Yakutia? I think that there are more promising returns from avoiding war and using our ressources otherwise, if we can. Now, secondly... I may have stated that Russia was not on Tianxia's level, but we need not get over-confident here. Russia does command vast ressources and people and it seems quite unified, especially on the defense. Meanwhile, we still get criticised for Alaska. Japan is not ready for any military adventurism... I did tell you to keep an eye on that, right?" Tsukino nodded obediently. "You did, Akiyama-dono. We have kept an eye on the military and they seem to avoid any actions that were not approved by you." "Good, because I don't need those fools from the Navy to think they got a free reign here or for the Army to try demonstrate its own power. The military should be Japan's sword. And a sword cuts when its master swings it. It rests in its sheath when it is not drawn and it neither acts on its own, nor questions the purpose given to it." The morning briefing seemed to have drawn out quite a bit, Tsukino wondered, thus she timidly raised the question. "Would there be anything I can help with, Akiyama-dono? Otherwise, I would ask that I can take my leave." Akiyama looked up from her notes for the first time again. "You can leave for now, Tsukino, but I will require your assistence in the coming days. As said, our current efforts are not enough. We need to change our approach, if we want to be ever worthy of our sovereign. I can count on the Agency's services?" Tsukino bowed respectfully. "Always at your command, Akiyama-dono." Then she turned around and left. "The Genkai era is over. Time Japan actually learns that and acts for itself.", Akiyama rambled, as the door closed.
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Although the state of Oregon had declared itself independent some while ago, Prime Minister Akiyama was still unsure whether it would really have much of a future. Nothing was heard or seen from it. It could only be hoped that things were actually proceeding properly. And so, while she was more than busy in Tokyo and was at first a bit disappointed to have to come to Portland, the meeting location at least allowed her to check whether there was any progress. Japan already had to step in to solve the mess of one new nation, it was hoped that process was not to be repeated. For some seconds, Akiyama had played with the idea of using the battleship Akitsushima for the trip across the Pacific. It was after all equipped with a suite and quite a few amenities for such journeys. But then she had to give up on that for the obvious reason that several days on sea were hardly going to be acceptable and a flight would have to make do. Thus, the Japanese Airforce 1 was readied to carry the Prime Minister, together with several security staff to Portland. Of course, the authorities of Oregon would be informed of the fliht beforehand, so that they could arrange everything for the meeting.
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Onee-sama ga Miteru... It had been about a year since the Commonwealth succumbed to the Japanese determination and righteous spirit, but while the Empire had hoped to establish a new order in North America by allowing new states that cared for themselves, strengthened themselves and would be cooperative, such seemed unlikely to happen, at least for now. The new states were hardly more energetic than the old systems, which brought the Japanese government to the conclusion that this sadly was a weakness inherent to the system and thinking of the continent. In contrast to the successes in Korea, where the newly founded Republic was maybe a bit weaker than the other regional actors, but was quite capable of arranging itself and Korean-Japanese relations were good, the Prime Minister found the relations with the Americas to be an almost complete waste of time, effort and Japanese ressources, as long as it was aimed at early emancipation. But leaving the continent to its own devices was hardly acceptable, both due to the ressources it had cost to overthrow the old system, but also because it'd just be a matter of time until others would move in, and profit from the weakness of the Americans. In the end, Akiyama thought, it was in the best interest of both the Japanese Empire, but also the Americas, to establish a more long-term scheme towards American emancipation, with a more active role of Japan. The North American Coordination Office was set up as agency to replace the protectorate administration. Instead of the narrow responsibilities of the former administration, restricted to upholding law and order, as well as military security, the new NACO was to coordinate economic policy, security policy and even partly social policy within the protectorate holdings, to forment a more conductive foundation for future states, which were of better quality than the American Commonwealth. But this also was to serve in restructuring the North American economy, in ways to fit into a future vision of the Trans-Pacific relations, crushing old elites and heavy industry for a more stable environment. But naturally, the North American Coordination Office was not the sole axis around which future Japanese policies regarding the Americas developed. There also was a new emphasis on bilateralism with the established nations, which hopefully at some point would lead to a multilateral system under the caring guidance of Kagami-nee-sama.
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This is a factbook for general information. It is no discussion thread and should there be anything you find wrong with it, feel free to send a PM. Domo arigato. Nippon-koku / 日本国 General Information: Official Name: Nippon-koku (日本国) (State of Japan) or Nippon Teikoku (日本帝國) (Empire of Japan) Official Demonym: Nihonjin (日本人) (Japanese) National language: Nihongo (日本語) (Japanese) Recognised minority languages: Korean, Ainu Official National Anthem: Kimigayo (君が代) Official Motto: Fukoku Kyōhei (富国強兵) Government Information: Government Type: Constitutional Empire Head of State: vacant Sesshō: Konoe Nobuhisa National Legislature: National Diet (国会) Prime Minister: Akiyama Kagami Deputy Prime Minister: Kurosawa Kimito Minister of Internal Affairs and Telecommunications: Higashiyama Subaru Minister of Justice: Kurosawa Kimito Minister of Foreign Affairs: Nakamichi Minoru Minister of Finance: Tachibana Rika Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology: Tamura Junroku Minister of Health, Labour and Wellfare: Tada Hiro Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries: Soga Keijiro Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry: Amahara Yukino Minister of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism: Katsura Asami Minister of the Environment: Hata Kanehito Minister of Defense: Kato Akira Minister of the Fleet: Date Seiranko Administrative/Demographic Information: Capital: Tokyo Population: 129,415,108 Ethnic Composition: 97.83% Japanese, 0.62% Korean, 0.37% Chinese, 0.28% Polynesian, 0.15% Ainu, 0.12%% Russian, 0.63% Other Currency: Yen (¥) Drives on the: Left International calling code: +81 Internet top-level domain: .jp Military Service Branches Nihongun Nihon Rikugun Nihon Kaigun Nihon Kūgun Map of the Japanese Empire (without overseas territories) Note: Topics created by me, related to Nippon have the tag "Eva-Nippon". Older topics from Dai-Tōhoku are tagged "Eva-Tohoku".
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As the 25th of March approached, and the Sakura zensen approached the capital, preparations were made in the Imperial Palace for the impending festivities. While most citizens celebrated with their families and friends in private, the Prime Minister did plan to appreciate the cherry blossoms also herself, for which several people had been invited, among them the Emperor of Tianxia. Especially this visit, which would be the first visit of the Emperor in his rule was deemed important to cement the friendship of the two neighbouring nations over sake, dango and other foodstuff and to show appreciation for culture and the more refined aspects of life. But over the coming days, the Prime Minister also had scheduled meetings with others, given that certain domestic affairs needed to be adressed. Many Japanese looked forward to these days not only due to Hanami, but also because the scheduled meeting could also be the first public appearance of Prime Minister Akiyama in two weeks time, after she had mysteriously vanished and cancelled several other scheduled meetings. What exactly it was that had prevented these earlier events was not known, but many hoped that it'd finally be cleared on the 25th, for the Prime Minister's office had not cancelled the meeting and visible preparations were made around the palace, ranging from the cleaning and restoring of greenery after the winter months to an increase of police and palace guards, to prevent against crime and public disorder.
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The rise of new American states was expected and appreciated by the Japanese, however, while Japan pulled out its forces slowly from newly independent lands, diplomatically Akiyama Kagami was still quite interested in pursuing good relations with the new nations. This had an economic rationale, given the expected increase in trade volume, a political rationale, cementing the new order, and a security rationale, preventing a new great struggle across the Pacific between the Empire and the Americans. However, there also was the matter of overlapping claims between the two states, which kind of worried Akiyama, given that any American war this soon after liberation was hardly in Japan's interests. Thus, the Prime Minister prepared to meet the delegates from the new Americas in Tokyo, to discuss various issues concerning the continent. While the cabinet had discussed at length where to hold the meeting, Prime Minister Akiyama eventually agreed to Navy Minister Date's suggestion and once the foreigners would arrive, they'd be greeted by a delegation and be brought to the harbour, as in Tokyo Bay, the Nihon Kaigun had prepared its greatest and most magnificient vessel, the battleship Akitsushima. Given the vessel had been constructed as the epitome of Japanese naval power, but also was to be the new flagship of the Combined Fleet, Akitsushima provided quite some comfort and special quarters in case the Prime Minister was to use the ship for travels. A function it took over from the first Japanese battleship Mutsu. As the ship lay anchored in the bay, calmly and seemingly unaffected by any waves that were far too little to rock such a monstrum of steel, the foreign dignitaries would be shipped out by a smaller boat that would ferry them to Akitsushima, where Akiyama awaited them already.
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Given Tianxia's response to the Japanese request, the Japanese Ambassador Shiramine Yusuke was instructed by the government in Tokyo to meet with the Imperial governments representatives, so as to present them the matters the Japanese government deemed worth addressing and to respond to those questions Tianxia may ask. Without wasting much time, the Japanese ambassador went to meet his Tianxia counterpart, hoping for a conductive and productive meeting.
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While for some time now, Japan had established a protectorate in Korea, the matter of what to do with Korea and how to improve the post-communist economy were still debated, while Korea itself stagnated. Only after about a year, the first Plan for the reform of Korean industry was approved by the Kim cabinet of Korea and the Akiyama cabinet of Japan, to properly establish a market economy on the peninsula, and with it democracy and stability. While the Japanese government originally proclaimed to stay out of Korean internal affairs, the Chōsen Kaihatsu-chō (Korea Development Agency) was created, in order to oversee the efforts. This measure, though not incredibly popular was legitimated by the necessity for Japanese financial and technological assistence to be utilised well and not to vanish in a post-Communist money sink plagued by corruption. The Chōsen Kaihatsu-chō set up its main office in Seoul and soon started its activities, supervised by the Resident-General in Korea. Mainly, the Agency organised Japanese capital to provide loans to Korean enterprises. These enterprises would be expected to use the money to set up their business, buy the necessary equipment, undergo training in entrepeneurship and other business-related skills and to find ties to related business. These would mostly be smaller private enterprises related to light industry. Heavy industry meanwhile would be a different story. Formerly state-owned heavy industry would be privatised into special partnerships of Japanese Keiretsu and Korean reestablished Chaebol, with the former providing assistence in setting up competitive enterprises, while in turn gaining part of the profit and establishing cooperations with the new conglomerates. Most notable among these would be the Mitsui and Mitsubishi keiretsu, which established ties to mining and shipbuilding respectively. Mitsui in cooperation with local Koreans set up a new model mining company i the Northern parts of the peninsula, importing modern technology and practices to improve worker safety and efficiency, integrating the mining with metal processing and nuclear energy generation. Mitsubishi meanwhile focussed on steel industry in the South and the local shipbuilding sector. This scheme was seen by many as a good way to promote cooperation and assistence, though it also functioned in a way to integrate Korean potential into Japan's existing economy and thus limit negative impacts from increased competition. However, not just industry was seen as responsibility of the Chōsen Kaihatsu-chō, as also democratic and cultural development were considered relevant. Not to mention, the potential establishment of proper defenses, given after all, Korea was a protectorate - to be protected.
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Although Tsushima was not that great for sightseeing and lacked the glamour of most older Japanese towns, it still had a history. Mostly, a history of being the conduit for diplomacy between the Koreans and the Japanese for centuries. Positioned in the Strait that seperated them, it had long been a station along the trade routes and a strategic position for expeditions. Thus, Prime Minister Akiyama chose the island as a proper meeting point between the two nations. A local conference center would be used, the interior refurbished some to give it a more appropriate appearance and the flags of both Korea and Japan be flown to honour the guest. Taking the Shinkansen to Fukuoka and then a regional flight to Tsushima Airport, Akiyama would be arriving on the morning of the meeting, to oversee the last few preparations, before awaiting the Korean President's arrival.
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It was evening over the mountainous inner regions of Akita Prefecture, the Dewa mountains covered in a white blanket of piling snow, which continued to descend silently from the heavens upon the land. The days were short, as was typical for the season and already it had grown dark outside. As Akiyama Kagami gazed outside the window, it seemed almost, as if on the other side of the glass panel, the snowfall and darkness were mingling merrily, creating a contrast of black and white, obscuring vision together in a solemn kind of harmony that was present in so many things in nature. To a degree, Akiyama lived up to her name, loving the autumn season, however, winter too was a time she genuinely enjoyed. As autumn gradually transitioned into winter, she did not really distinguish much, she just preferred this time of the year. What she loved, well, it were these short days, these snowflakes, the black and white landscape that was typical for the time. Others called it dark and dead, but to her, it was more of a mysterious and calm, sterile atmosphere that was present in winter. Maybe the seasons just resonated more with Akiyama Kagamin's character. Well, given it was a matter of personal preference, such was surely the case. And while she was not particularly dong anything, Akiyama just stared into the approaching night, standing before the window in her coat and next to her suitcase and bag. Indeed, this moment of silence was soon over, when the Prime Minister got reminded of the present, and of the circumstances. Her drifting mind was pulled back, as the door leading outside opened and with a wave of cold air and fresh snowflakes, a quite cold Tsukino hurried in, shutting the door quickly, before any more cold air could come. The head of Japanese intelligence, Tsukino Aoko, comparatively tall at a bit over 1.75 metres, stood in the entrance, looking around, surpressing a shivering, as she searched for the Prime Minister. "Akiyama-dono, everything is set. the entrance is clear, the car is ready. Is anything still needed?" As Akiyama took her luggage and moved out in the hallway to get to Tsukino and the car, she chuckled for a moment, as she saw the head of the national intelligence. For some reason, the sight was just too entertaining, as it seemed all colour had left Tsukino. She knew, Tsukino was in general not a very colourful person, preferring not to stand out, but this time, she really was a perfect contrast, of long black hair and the slim black coat, and the white snow and face, which only gradually seemed to regain a slight blush from the warmth inside the building. Of course, Tsukino was quite surprised, if not to say slightly disturbed by Akiyama's reaction, but Akiyama Kagami said no word about it, simply stating. "Thanks, Tsukino-kun. shall we go, or do you want to warm yourself up a bit before?" However, Tsukino shook her head, politely stating. "There's no need to be concerned, I'm fine. We should go as soon as possible, before too much snow falls again or the car freezes. Akiyama-dono has to be back in the capital tomorrow." As she took the Prime Minister's suitcase, lifting it up with quite some ease, Tsukino added. "Will you be sleeping on the way to Tokyo? It will be a long day tomorrow." This time, Akiyama shook her head. "No, at most for an hour. I do want to experience the New Year awake. You know, I don't need that much sleep anyway." Tsukino's sigh was overshadowed by the howling snowstorm outside, as the Prime Minister opened the door and the Director of the Chūōchō followed.
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It had been already a good bit of time since the commencement of offensive operations against the American Commonwealth and despite the original scepticism by parts of the Japanese elite and within the armed forces, the overwhelming successes of the early actions caused Prime Minister Akiyama Kagami to be rather confident in the Japanese position. Encouraged by the firm successes of the Japanese forces and the refusal of the Commonwealth to respond up to now, Akiyama for the first time approached the media to deliver a speech on the situation. In front of cameras and microphones of the NHK, Japan's public broadcasting agency, the Prime Minister appeared with a confident smile and rather calm, given her nation was involved in an ongoing war that had only just passed through its opening stages. "Konbanwa to all out there watching this. I am adressing you this evening, as our valiant forces have been engaged with Commonwealth forces for a considerable time now. This action, which has up to now managed to secure most of Alaska has been launched not in a desire to establish overseas colonial territories for our nation, but it still is a fight we feel necessary to continue. The Japanese Empire has long enough watched idly as the American Commonwealth expanded its influence over North America, crushing the freedom and sovereignity of people and nations it encountered and causing harm, stagnation and security complications in the Western Hemisphere and by extension to the Pacific community. In order to reassert for ourselves our security and rightful place among the nations and for the oppressed people of the Americas to regain their deserved freedoms and rights, the Nihongun is fighting with all its might to break down the monolith that weighs down North America and we will march on Washington if such be necessary. The American Commonwealth has proven incompetent both as regional hegemon and as a peaceful neighbour of our great Empire and I thus see it as the duty of ours towards ourselves and towards humanity to contain the creeping death of the Americas. While I have the full confidence in the Nihongun to be able to defeat the American Commonwealth, Japan is willing to cooperate with all those who share our objective of a more vibrant and secure American community of nations that can freely develop their culture and political systems without interference by an obstructive and even destructive overlord. As said before, I do want to reassure the nations of this world that this war is not waged to replace Commonwealth tyranny with Japanese one. What we do, we do to liberate, not enslave and we welcome all those seeking for independence of American states, as they shall have our cooperation in their efforts." Once Akiyama had ended her speech, she left, refusing to respond to any questions of the news at this moment. She had said what she felt necessary to be said. The sole thing that followed the next day was the establishment of the Foreign Recruitment Bureau, tasked with recruiting any volunteers for the war effort that were not of Japanese origin.
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Highly confidential For some time now, the Japanese Navy had prepared for the eventuality of conflict with the American Commonwealth. The Commonwealth's occupation of Alaska had caused much consternation and ended the idea that Tianxia would continue as a reliable barrier and mediator in the struggle between the Commonwealth and the Empire. While Minister of Foreign Affairs Nakamichi had went to Washington, in order to discuss matters and find a compromise, the Naval Staff had already early on assumed that no solution could be found and would eventually be proven right. Nakamichi returned with empty hands. The Commonwealth had been trying to strongarm Japan and conduct diplomacy only after arranging the facts on the ground to give them a position of strength. Further diplomacy was futile, as long as Japan had not reasserted itself and corrected the situation in its favour. So Minister of the Navy Date. And the hawks had won. It had become less a debate on whether to strike, than on when to strike, for more time meant more preparations. But at the same time, the Commonwealth would be able to conduct preparations too, militarily, as well as diplomatically. Such was not deemed acceptable. [hr] Operation Yukihime The National Diet had given Akiyama a carte blanche to deal with the Commonwealth issue and Akiyama gave Date pretty much a free hand in conducting operations against the Commonwealth. Not too confident in her military decision-making, Akiyama rather entrusted the matter to the Navy. The result was the enactment of a plan that had been prepared over the last few months, as a modification of earlier plans for dealing with a conflict with the Commonwealth. Given Date Seiranko accredited the Commonwealth with extreme belligerence and a tendency to underestimate the Japanese, operations would need to assume that the Commonwealth commit fully, that a limited scenario was unlikely and a diplomatic solution was pretty much not going to happen. Resulting from such a train of thought was that the Naval Staff committed the entire Combined Fleet to Operation Yukihime. This however did not mean the Rengō Kantai was going to gather in one location. Without prior announcement, the first offensive operations started at 4 am AKST in the morning on what would otherwise be a calm day in January. About 300 kilometres off the Alaskan coast, submarine Ha-2 surfaced, having reached the position after a long silent trip. Immediatly after surfacing, the submarine opened its VLS cells and one after another, 160 low-observable long-range land-attack cruise missiles would streak into the still dark sky, targetting road and railway bridges along the highway and railway connecting Alaska to the Canadian protectorate (~40), as well as air base logistics at bases such as Elmendorf to reduce most of all the storage facilities of aviation fuel and weaponry. Once Ha-2 had expended its missiles, the submarine again slowly submerged and vanished under the waves to head for Yokosuka Naval Base, in order to be rearmed. The remaining force of nuclear submarines however continued to lurk in the Northeastern Pacific. Meanwhile, under the command of Admiral Nishi Tatsuo, the surface fleet commenced its own operations further to the west. From a safe distance, about a hundred kilometres southeast of Atka, the eleven carriers of the three Japanese air fleets started to launch dozens of F-4 and F-5 carrier fighters. Flying in dispersed groups at different altitudes and taking slightly different approaches to prevent appearing as a large mass of aircraft, the overall 90 F-5 multirole fighters and 68 F-4 air superiority fighters aimed for Unalaska. The island, as the one island in the Aleuts that was not part of Tianxia, but of the Alaskan territory, would be engaged by parts of the Second Fleet, I. Destroyer Squadron, VII. Destroyer Squadron and IX. Destroyer Squadron, as well as amphibious warfare ships Rebun and Okushiri. While most destroyers mostly were tasked with guarding the ships during their approach, heavy destroyers Suzuya and Kumano launched a total of 8 Fuji Neptune II reconnaissance UAVs to scout the island discreetly and to locate any approaching threats to the fleet in advance, before the two heavy destroyers closed in on the island to give cover and gunfire support to the landing operation conducted by the two amphibious warfare ships. While it was not expected that the Commonwealth would commit heavily to the defense of the island or conduct counter-attacks at this stage, both due to the timing of the operation and the relative remoteness of the island, precautions still would be great. A total of eight landing craft mechanised (LCM) would be dispatched, carrying about 1,200 Kaiheitai and their equipment to the shore, to occupy the island. To secure the success of the landing, Suzuya and Kumano would use their long-range 155 mm/62 caliber 2nd Year Type naval rifles, to first shell communications infrastructure, before taking shots at any military installations, always standing ready to fire at any artillery or missile emplacements located by the UAVs or overflying aircraft with their high-resolution IR sensors. With four guns per ship, it was most likely enough to subdue any such defenses of the island through rapid and precise gunfire. The covering aircraft were responsible both for reconnaissance, as well as warding off any enemy air and missile attacks, while the F-5's would utilise their internally carried 125 kg precision bombs to take out the airfield of Dutch Harbour, as well as any anti-air installations. While the small destroyer task force dealt with this landing, most of the battle fleet that comprised First Fleet, with its battleships and battlecruisers stayed near the Aleutian islands, approaching only slowly, though ready to join into the action in case it was needed. Their time would come later, once Unalaska was taken. The remainder of Second Fleet and eight Chidori-class fast attack craft had been stationed about 100 km southwest of Umnak island, together with the logistics ships. Third Fleet meanwhile was stationed in Paramushiru, to join in for later operations. Submarines Ro-8 to Ro-23, operating from Paramushiru were also tasked with assisting the operations of the fleet from underneath the surface. As the first stage of Operation Yukihime was left to the Kaiheitai, due to the easier coordination between marine infantry and naval forces, a further 30,000 Naval Land Forces (Kaigun Rikusentai) had been stationed in Chishima and the First General Army with 15 divisions was to be ready in Hokkaido for reinforcements as necessary. Armed forces throughout the Japanese Empire and its protectorates would see a raise in readiness, as enemy attacks against Japan were deemed a possibility. Especially the Japanese Air Force was to increase the number of patrol flights, in order to prevent enemy attacks against the Home Islands. Additionally, a dozen Kawasaki B-1B and B-1E strategic stealth bomber aircraft took off from Hokkaido, to be ready in later stages. Given, it was expected that the American Commonwealth would try reinforce the Pacific Fleet with naval assets from other theatres, agents of the Naval Intelligence Bureau had already taken position at Panama, the Magellan Strait and Cape Horn. Under the guise of being business agents, they would mostly keep an eye on the traffic around these waterways and report any fleet transitions to Tokyo. Additionally, about four nuclear attack submarines had been dispatched to both the Panama canal and the Cape to trail and possibly ambush transitioning assets. [hr] Around 10 am EST, when it was deemed that the Operation was in full force, Ambassador Tanaka Shiro submitted to the Commonwealth's government the following communique. Edit: Added clarifications on time.
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From Karafuto to the Nan'yo-chō and from Tsushima to Chishima, the citizens of the Japanese Empire once again are called upon to practice their democratic rights and to cast their votes in the elections for the National Diet. These will be the first elections for residents in the Nan'yo-chō, which has about 260,000 inhabitants. While the cooperation between the leading national conservatives and the center-left democrats achieved much for Japan, many had expected it to fall apart half-way through the term. However, surprisingly, the coalition had held and it was only now that the regular elections after four years are scheduled, that the dominant parties are turning away from cooperation and towards greater competition to achieve a majority and pass more distinct legislation in Japan for the coming four years. The main policy issues identified by most parties are the public spending levels, the status of Korea, foreign policy in the Pacific and the recent slowing of the economy. [hr] Democratic Party | Minshutō Leader: Chiba Tamon Position: Social: As a social liberal party, the Minshutō seeks to improve political and individual freedom. More subsidies are to be given to the people that are poor or threatened by poverty and social services in education and healthcare should be improved and costs be lessened, to give broader access. Social spending cuts should only come after military spending cuts. Economic: Small and medium enterprises need to be backed, instead of just a handful of Keiretsu. Taxes should be more progressive and the middle class ought to be strengthened. No major interventions in the private sector are to be conducted though. The Minshutō is mostly a party of social liberal urbanites. Security: The national security is adequate. The security apparatus needs to be checked however, so as not to run rampant. The recent centralisation of the intelligence apparatus under a crony of the Prime Minister is worrying. Foreign Policy: Japan needs to promote more trade across the Pacific and peace in Asia. Japan has to extent a guiding hand to aspiring nations in the Pacific and help establish regional cooperations. Korea: Korea should be restructured and a ten year plan towards independence be created to allow Korea to become a contributing member of the East Asian family of nations. Military: The military needs to be credible, but should not become an unbearable burden on the tax payer. These are times of relative stability and taxes should go into increasing the standard of living and social reform, not into the military. National Conservative Party | Kokumin Hoshutō Leader: Akiyama Kagami Position: Social: Traditional values must be supported to prevent corruption and moral decay. Families need to be supported and encouraged to address an aging population. Harmonisation of interests between social classes should create a better nation that neither crushes the poor, nor robs the rich. Economic: Small and medium business has their place and ust be protected, but the Keiretsu should be acknowledged for their contribution to Japanese national achievements. Keiretsu should thus be made more accountable, but not dismantled, as they are net contributors to the economy and the nation through their higher efficiency, allowing achievements smaller businesses cannot accomplish. The Kokumin Hoshutō is known to be affiliated with industrialists and the military-industrial complex, but also is a party with a high rural base. Premier Akiyama has vowed thus to also do more in vitalising the country-side and the Northern frontier. Security: The national security is not threatened, however, the security apparatus needs to be keep its eyes and ears open, in order to prevent threats from arising. Recent centralisation efforts need to be pushed further to allow the national intelligence and security apparatus to operate effectively at countering threats to the Japanese nation. Foreign Policy: Japan does not wish to push anyone into the shade, but it has every right to look for its own place in the sun. Building upon recent achievements, Japan ought to strive for a more secure and stable position and increase its influence regionally and abroad. Korea: The Kokumin Hoshutō, as a rather heterogenous party is split on Korea in a moderate faction supporting the 10-year plan and a nationalistic faction looking for at least establishing a lasting security cooperation as well as a rumoured minor annexionist movement, the Fuyokai. Military: The Japanese military has to be strengthened, especially the naval forces. Only through a strong Navy can Japan be able to cooperate for peace in Asia and prevent further encroachment by American Imperialism into the Pacific space. Security spending may be prioritised over social spending. Liberal Party | Jiyūtō Leader: Yannasagi Makoto Position: Social: The state has to ensure that people are safe from crime and foreign attack, but expenditures on subsidies should be cut back. Political freedoms need to be upheld. Economic: More free market and less subsidies. Keiretsu need to be taken care off by strict anti-monopoly laws to break them apart. Efforts on scaling back the rampant public spending have to be undertaken and social and military spending cuts, as well as savings in the public administration must be pursued. Security: The security service must not infringe on the individual liberty of individuals. Foreign Policy: Japan needs to focus more on free trade and less on interventions. Korea: Korea must be transformed into a liberal democracy, but through Korean efforts. Japan must not get too invested in Korea. Military: No further military expansion, as the current level is sufficient and the budget must be consolidated. A Green Japan | Midori no Nippon Leader: Katō Tōuma Position: Social: The state has to support poor, homeless and unemployed to enable everyone a minimum standard of living. More modern values and art needs to be espoused and propagated. Local communities need to be supported more. Economic: The economy needs to be based on sustainable and environmentally friendly structures, to allow for lasting development and to make Japan a country worth living in. Big businesses should be taxed more and CO2 emissions should be taxed too. Whaling must stop! Security: The government should not spy around where there are no enemies. Foreign Policy: Japan needs to look inside itself, not outside. Korea: No position. Military: Japan needs to be a more pacifist country and can do without further expenses. New Progressive Party | Shin Shimpotō Leader: Mado Rintarō Position: Social: Family values are important and should be strengthened. The nation needs to properly educate its youth to not become slobs and to be upright Japanese, like their fathers and grandfathers. State Shinto is worth reintroducing. Economic: The economy needs to be rid of the red tape and needs to see some liberalisation. Unions need to be weakened, as they undermine the loyalty of workers to their company. Foreign trade should be worked on to profit Japan more. Security: The security service needs to be kept on guard. While maybe there's no foreign terrorism or state adversary, organised crime should be kept in check. Foreign Policy: Japan needs to avoid international entanglements. Fellow nations with similar mindsets should be kept as friends, but nothing further. Korea: No money for non-Japanese in times of economic downturn. Koreans are at fault for embracing Juche, they should not be helped through money extracted from Japanese tax payers. If there is to be money sent there, then only if Korea returns to the fold. Military: The military should be a defensive force. However, it is important that the military reintroduce conscription, so as to teach youngsters proper morals in some of their most formative years. [hr] While elections are upcoming, candidates are available for reporters to ask questions in press conferences organised by the NHK. OOC: 48 hours. I reserve for myself the right to change numbers if they seem utterly unreasonable or for cosmetic reasons. Feel free to pose questions to the candidates in this thread, if you have any.
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It seemed like just another day on the Korean peninsula, as the sun slowly rose out of the Eastern Sea to brighten the day for millions of Koreans living under the regime of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. As could be expected, the name of the state was mere compensation for the actual power of its citizens, which were at times not even able to get their basic necessities, including food. If Korean life was free from anything, than it was free of comfort or security. The regime seemed to embrace such poverty, for it seemed to prevent uprisings, and with propaganda against foreigners, especially Japanese, external threats should overshadow internal misery. But it was not just a normal day. The Korean economy was rapidly collapsing, as foreign relations soured and trade became marginal. The reunification of Korea had created a nation of over 70 million people, of which more than two-thirds lived in the Southern parts of the peninsula, which until a few years ago, had been free, integrated into the Asian economy and had only come under Communist rule after the DPRK expelled an external occupying force from the country. At first, Korean rule for Koreans was widely supported, the resistance against the communists was low and people cheered the reunification. But such happiness and support lasted just about as long as the food supplies... And as misery spread, so did opposition. And as the sun rose above Seoul, once again plagued by a power outage, because North Korean coal and hydroelectricity could not supply it, people were once again protesting on the streets against the rigid system of totalitarian rule, which had hardly ever done a thing for them, but destroy the people it ruled over. Inefficiencies, corruption, nepotism, jingoism and repression was something that had disgruntled the masses of Southern Korean masses, and as the economy tanked, many saw it as more useful to take to the streets rather than go to work. What allowed these protests, was most of all the inability of Northern elites to integrate and rule properly over the Southern Korean people, who were used to a better life and resented the Northern autocrats. These people bought not the cheap propaganda and many knew that outside life was better. And it was solely the disorganised spontanous nature, which caused the regime to face a very real challenge to its overall power. Troops from northern parts of the country were brought in, to keep the protests from becoming rampant and overthrowing the Workers' Party rule, after Southern Korean security refused to rein in protests. What however followed, would be the most detrimental development for the regime, as hardliners in the KPA decided to use force in dissolving protests and within the shortest of time, the streets were free, apart from the blood of around 140 dead Koreans and lots more wounded. But only temporarily... While protesters had been dispersed, now, first groups formed to overthrow the Korean government for real and through assistence by a rather sympathetic population, their membership swelled rapidly. Most prominent among them would be the so-called Korean Liberation Movement, the All-Korean Democratic Movement and the People's Opposition of Korea, which sprung up in the various regions, with especially the latter two having significant ties in the DPRKs base territory in the northern parts of the peninsula. Multiple smaller movements too sprung up, ranging from reform-minded communists to Imperial restorationists and even some Greater Koryo nationalists. The situation became less and less clear, as to who did and controlled what, apart from the fact, that the DPRK was losing ground rapidly. And the requiem for the DPRK started for real, when an entire army division in Busan defected to the insurgents, providing arms, professional leadership and the spark to lid the fire of open rebellion. [hr] Confidential While Japan officially kept out of Korean affairs, due to the sensitive nature of the issue and the cost it would impose upon Japan fiscally and diplomatically, events on the peninsula were nevertheless observed with great interest, as Korea was, after all, quite close to the Japanese Home Islands, more so than any other territory, apart from maybe the Nansei Islands. And the Japanese state made no secret out of the fact that it saw the Democratic People's Republic as a threat to East Asian stability and its own security. Thus, the events in Korea hardly escaped the notice of the newly established Central Intelligence Research Agency (Chūō Jōhō Chōsa-chō). To Prime Minister Akiyama, the events were not too surprising, given the extreme distain she felt for the regime, which was a pure anachronism and better off dead. And while, given circumstances, Akiyama avoided making public statements on the situation, she hesitated not to give orders to Director Tsukino of the Chūōchō to take action, in order to "finally resolve the Korean situation in a favourable manner". And it needed not long, until Japanese agents, using contacts via Zainichi Koreans, cooperated with Korean insurgents, to bring about democracy. Equipment and supplies would be brought to Busan, destined for the Korean Liberation Movement, which had organised under a certain Kim Sung-woo, a former lawyer, who had been made provisory leader of the movement till the Communist scourge had been vanquished. Open support for the rebels was considered, however not carried out, as Akiyama very well knew that there were some steps to be taken before such became a viable option. First and foremost, a communique would thus be sent to Tianxia: OOC: Markus is inactive. Last post here.
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While South America shared its name with the Northern part of the Americas, for most Japanese political considerations, the two were completely different. In terms of climate, culture and of course politically, South America seemed hardly like the other America. That was not to say, Japanese relations with the continent were any less ambivalent, with a history of cooperation and cultural ties, yet, the last time Japan was politically engaged in the region, it was under the flag of the American Imperium, holding an Imperial territory in Bolivia. Since then, the Japanese Empire had withdrawn from the shores of South America, though it had added a few thousand Japanese to the already large community of Japanese South Americans. To Prime Minister Akiyama, the return of Pará was a welcome opportunity to open a new chapter in relations between Japan and the South American continent, and it was thus hardly surprising that Akiyama personally went to visit Pará, a meeting she placed great hopes in. Not only because Pará itself could be important, or because relations with Pará could be an important basis for general future relations on the continent, but also, because like so many of the conservative elite of Japan, Akiyama viewed Pará and south America as a bit of a land of opportunities. Here, development was still happening. Here, there were dreams and progress towards them. It was a chance... maybe it was an overly optimistic and idealised view of Pará, a nation that was suffering from a civil war, but even so, people like Akiyama believed in this romantic view of a land of progress and dynamic developments across the Pacific... a view that sharply contrasted with the view of Japanese elites of the American Commonwealth, which was as stagnant as it could be, uncultured and of flawed moral character. The Paráense authorities would be informed of the visit and one of Japan's two official government aircraft would embark on a Trans-Pacific trip with the destination of Cruzeiro do Sul International Airport.
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Relations between the Meihua'a and Nihon-jin had been a bit ambivalent in the past. Not too much though. While both had shared a past as members of the Commonwealth, interaction was sparse, and even now, relations between the two were rather quiet. Nevertheless, Prime Minister Akiyama was determined to improve relations with Meihua. For this reason, a communique would be sent to the Meihua'a capital.
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Utilising the Transsiberian railway, given Tianxia was in upheaval, Higashimori Junpei and a few other Japanese diplomats would travel to Kazakhstan. Although both countries were quite different, one being a continental nation in the Kazakh steppes, the other being a nation of over a thousand mountainous islands, the two shared common neighbours and most likely also a few common security concerns.
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OOC: All posts in this thread are confidential, unless specified otherwise. IC: The weather in the Tōhoku region was getting gradually harsher over the days. The days became shorter, colder and the trees had fewer and fewer leaves, until it was already November and most of the trees in sendai had lost their foliage. The streets of Sendai were populated with people still, but most had already taken out their coats, scarves and gloves and it was a bit of a cold and grey atmosphere that surrounded the place. But cold and unapproachable were qualities not new to Tsukino Aoko. It pretty much described a good part of her job. The work of the Totsū... It was pretty telling, insiders would note, that while most government agencies had been moved to Tokyo, the Special Communications Research Institute (Tokubetsu Tsūshin Kenkyūjo) had never left the Northern region of the country and only was transferred from Minamimaki to Sendai. Abbreviated Totsū, it was afiliated with the Japanese military and was tasked with a broad, ambigious mission, including many that were already covered by other institutions. It's mission profile was mostly summarised (from various other sources), as an institution that accepted promising officer graduates from the National Defence Academy or the Etajima Naval Academy, who worked together with the military, civil industries and intelligence agencies, as well as the foreign service and after several years, Totsū employees generally were assigned to other branches of the armed forces. Publications from the institution were few, headlines were none, it pretty much was a quiet place, seen by many as a leftover from the times prior to national unification. The continued existence of the institution, just like its location, were not without reason. And Tsukino Aoko knew as much. The Totsū had over the years been involved in many of the foreign policy disasters that had plagued Japan and it was seen by many within the higher ranks of the military and the political elite, as a bit of a liability. What had protected this service, were the strong influence of the Northern Clique, conservative elites of the old Dai-Tōhoku regions, who held quite a bit of power. Only after the most recent crisis, which had caused Date and Akechi to be sacked and the conservatives to be shaken, a shorter leash could be put on the Totsū, if it couldn't even be finally dissolved. However, the conservatives had won the elections and the bare minimum of change and investigation happened. Tsukino Aoko had been appointed as the new director of the Totsū. Now it was her responsibility to improve the Totsū. As Tsukino finally arrived at her office, the atmosphere within the headquarters was about as frosty as it had been outside. People first looked up from their desks to see the new arrival, cautiously poking their heads out, still unsure who it was. Though she noted the sudden attention and the inquisitive stares, the new director merely went straight to the reception and presented her ID. "Tsukino Aoko. From today on, I'm working here." The man at the reception nodded and the many heads went back to work. For a moment, she wondered whether to comment on it, but she decided not to. There were more pressing matters at hand. "Welcome to the headquarters, your office is over there, at the end of the hallway, Director Tsukino.", the receptionist stated, as he handed the ID back. With a short "Thanks", Tsukino took it and walked down the corridor, to her bureau, in order to start her work. OOC: With post #5,000, a new character got introduced.
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Hida Tadamune, Ambassador of Japan to Sudan, resident in Khartoum, would go to meet with General al-Bashir, the leader of Sudan. With him, he took a good few documents and prospects, mostly from the Japanese industry. While most people in Japan weren't that interested in some undemocratic state at the Upper Nile, there always were those who cared about money... But of course, such would never be an official reason for a visit.
